This day in history: 28 years ago today, on April 5, 1991, the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation granted President Boris Yeltsin emergency powers to begin a reform campaign that would lead to the dissolution of the USSR before the end of the year. Yeltsin and Supreme Soviet Presidium Chairman Ruslan Khasbulatov were still allies at the time, but the two would clash just two years later in Russia’s Constitutional Crisis.
On April 5, Russia’s presidential press secretary Dmitry Peskov was asked to comment on a Gallup report that showed one in five adult Russians would like to emigrate elsewhere. The figure was the highest recorded since 2007. Peskov responded as follows: “These surveys are carried out by various companies in various countries, and that figure is far from the highest. For example, the number of Americans who want to emigrate from America is far greater than one fifth. Far greater. It’s a typical process. Some people prefer a more mobile way of life, and some people prefer a less mobile one. That makes this an absolutely standard topic for sociological research.”
Read Meduza's report here: “Putin’s press secretary claimed a “far greater” portion of Americans than Russians want to emigrate from their home country. He’s wrong.”
A losing race against the statute of limitations ⌛
A St. Petersburg court has closed the criminal case against Natalia Fedorova, the former director of Children’s Home Number 10, which spent more than a decade ignoring reports from children about sexual assault by different adults, including the facility’s deputy director. Fedorova confessed to criminal negligence, but the charges’ statute of limitations has now expired. To learn more about the case, Meduza spoke to Dmitry Geradimov, the defense attorney for some of the abuse victims.
Read Meduza's interview here: “After confessing to criminal negligence, a former orphanage director avoids further prosecution for ignoring reports about sexual assault foster children. The statute of limitations saved her.”
Denis Karagodin, researcher (April 5)
🔎 Catching a killer: After eight years of archival research, Denis Karagodin says he’s finally found photos of the NKVD agent he says is responsible for leading the interrogation of his great grandfather, who was executed in 1938 for supposed espionage. “I caught him today!” Karagodin declared on Facebook. While searching for officer Anatoly Zverev, Karagodin says he managed to identify everyone else involved in his great grandfather’s death, as well, including the “firing squad, the prosecutors, the nomenclatura, the prison agents, and others.”
Ekaterina Schulmann, political analyst (April 5)
🕊️ Putin’s next mass amnesty: In a YouTube video, Schulmann films herself speaking to Govorit Moskva radio station, explaining the likely parameters of Vladimir Putin’s probable amnesty declaration next year, in honor of the 75th anniversary of victory in WWII. She says the Kremlin regularly issues mass amnesties in part as a way to correct the excesses of Russia’s legal and investigative system, which rarely acquits defendants. Schulmann says Putin’s 2020 amnesty might also apply to misdemeanor offenses, which would affect many people prosecuted for unpermitted demonstrations. Presidential Human Rights Council Chairman Mikhail Fedotov is likely pressing the issue now, in order to lobby Putin for the broadest possible amnesty, Schulmann says.
Mikhail Krutikhin, RusEnergy consultant (April 4)
🔮 Prognosticating Gazprom’s future: Krutikhin offers five reasons he has a “gut feeling” that serious reforms await the Russian gas export monopoly Gazprom: (1) the company has apparently fulfilled its mission of transferring big money from the state’s coffers to private hands, with its major pipeline projects coming to an end; (2) Gazprom might “unnecessarily” spend billions to buy the assets of its contractors; (3) major figures responsible for “regulating the main money flows,” like Management Committee Deputy Chairman Andrey Kruglov, are leaving the company; (4) the Europeans won’t consent to a monopoly supplier, forcing Gazprom to accept independent pipeline operators; and (5) the company might be restructured to resemble Transneft, with production divided between different companies that fall under the control of certain select individuals.
Yours, Meduza