The Russian economy is approaching the end of 2022 in a far better state than many had anticipated in the spring following the invasion of Ukraine and ensuing Western sanctions. The fall in GDP has only amounted to about 3% or even less, and the U.S. dollar is still trading at less than 65 rubles. Even the Western ban on high-tech imports, although challenging, has proved manageable. But none of this means that Russia’s economy is out of the woods: many risks still remain. We asked economists from Russia’s leading investment banks to highlight the new warning signs that have emerged in recent months.

There are two possible reasons for this. First is the near-total cessation of pipeline gas exports to Gazprom’s lucrative European market following the closure and subsequent explosions on the Nord Stream gas pipeline. Second is the fall in prices for Russian oil, which led to November’s oil revenues being down 25.4% year-on-year.
This fall, the Finance Ministry turned to large-scale borrowing in the federal loan bond market to cover the rest of the deficit. These internal loans raised 1.44 trillion rubles ($22 billion) for the ministry. Of this sum, 77% derives from bonds floating rates, which will ultimately be tied to Central Bank rates. The main buyers of these bonds were leading banks, which previously borrowed 1.39 trillion rubles ($21 billion) through REPO transactions. Therefore, we are effectively looking at hidden money emission, a fact which is increasingly noted by analysts.
This has obvious consequences: it will likely increase inflationary pressure, forcing the Central Bank to raise interest rates and sacrifice economic growth. However, not every economist regards this scheme as inflationary. Economist Viktor Tunev believes that, from the point of view of modern monetary theory, this borrowing algorithm will have no significant economic consequences. He calls these loans “Russian QE”: the Central Bank creates liquidity in the form of federal loan bonds, simultaneously improving standards in assets and enhancing money supplies to the banks’ liability without involving capital.
There are several possible explanations for this paradox. First, Russia’s labor market always responds to a crisis by cutting salaries first, not jobs. Second, the low level of benefit payments in Russia means that people who do lose their jobs are likely to grab any job they can as soon as possible.
On top of this, Russia launched its military mobilization amid this “compressed” labor market, said Rostislav Kapelyushnikov, deputy director of the Center for Labor Market Studies at Moscow’s Higher School of Economics. The loss of approximately 1-1.5 million people from the labor market due to war-related mobilization and emigration will exacerbate the situation with a growing pool of unfilled vacancies.
This serves as a wake-up call that Russia’s labor resources are limited, says Alexander Isakov, an economist specializing in Russia and Central & Eastern Europe at Bloomberg Economics. Because there are no spare resources in the economy, mobilization requires those working in “productive” industries (such as processing, construction and transport) to be diverted into the state sector. All of this impedes potential economic growth: increased defense and public sector spending have structural side effects that will limit potential annual growth to about 0.5% over the coming five years, Isakov says.
Subsidies have made housing more affordable for more citizens, who have decided to take out mortgages now rather than wait. Demand has risen sharply — faster than supply can adapt — and prices are soaring. In Moscow, it is now impossible to buy a comfort-class apartment in a new building without taking out a mortgage. However, this bubble is unlikely to burst, according to independent financial analyst Sergei Skatov: developers have already sold more than 51% of the housing due to come onto the market by the end of 2023. They need to sell a further 10-20%, which is entirely achievable even if demand falls to summer levels. Defaults on mortgage portfolios could also burst the bubble, but with a failure rate of just 0.4% (and 0.15% in the primary market), this is also unlikely, Skatov said.
None of the examples of imbalances listed here are capable of killing the Russian economy by themselves. However, each one is a serious problem that Russia’s leadership is accustomed to solving with budget money, such as subsidized mortgages. However, budget revenues are declining while expenditures are increasing: in the third quarter alone, spending increased by 16%.