In society

Two percent - 2

October 26, 2009 Stanislav Belkovsky

More than two years ago, in July 2007, the “daily magazine” kindly published mine dedicated to the formation of opposition counter-elite in Russia. More precisely, it was not an article even, but a record of my speech at the second “big” conference of the “Other Russia” movement.

Now, when such a well-known publicist, like Mikhail Khodorkovsky, has made programmatic reasons about the new elite-the collective subject of modernization-and the Kremlin administration launches the discussion of the “Medvedev majority” (which, according to the primary plan, should be different from the majority of “Putin” and can be created as a purely technology), time has come to return to the theme of “two percent. " And discuss something.

Let's try.

Most of the freedom

What is the Putin majority?

This is the totality of residents of Russia, which meets the following criteria:

- faith in the monarchical ritual and the undoubted legitimacy of power, this ritual observing (the monarchical ritual is said in more detail here , we will not repeat ourselves);

-a tendency to compliance with the main moral and value attitudes formed by the post-Soviet elite of Russia; These attitudes are more or less described here , but in short, we will talk to them again: the cult of money, the acquisition of material goods as the main and only life goal, individualism, cynicism, the possibility of using any means to achieve mercantile-pragmatic goals;

- awareness of one’s own alienation from politics and the complete meaninglessness of public policy as a process / method of forming state authorities.

Therefore, the pride of the authorities and the grief of the opposition are deeply in vain that our people, for example, do not go to protest rallies well. Nobody would have come to power events at all, if not for administrative coercion and/or monetary compensation. And the so -called power rating in today's Russia is the level of not supporting power, but indifference to it. The people know (they explained to him on TV) that “yes” must be answered correctly and officially posed questions about the authorities. So he answers, only get rid of. If tomorrow suddenly the President will appoint Mikhail Saakashvili Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, the Russian rating of the latter in a month will increase to 50 or more percent. This is the modern majority. It is not for and not against the authorities - he does not give a damn. It will do nothing, neither in order to change the power, nor to save this power in the event of any historical-state accident. Ideal representatives of the Putin majority are the famous sergeant Glukhov and his mother, Galina Vasilievna. Of course, they will always vote both for United Russia and Putin with Medvedev. But in a critical situation, they will prefer to solve personal problems with the help of a hated Saakashvili, not Putin's lover.

This majority is called “Putin” purely conditionally - the personality of the one who served the second president of the Russian Federation is not for the majority of the constant and is not at all important. The modern majority is a significant part of the people who, at a certain historical moment, is mortally tired of the Soviet modernization project ( where you get up with a bullet, lay down with a rifle where you are a drop with the masses), and from the total penetration of ideology into each cell of a stressed compressed organism. 20 years ago, people wanted to relax. Take a break from your history and your own fate. And the post-Soviet ruling elite, composed of outsiders of communism and ex-underground jeans , offered the people a unique product. No, not sausage - this sausage must still be obtained in unfair battles. Much more: freedom. From duties and obligations. Which, as we were taught in Soviet childhood and for many more hundred years before him, distinguish a person from a non -human.

“Putin's majority” is the majority of absolute “freedom from”. Whole, apotheosis of particles .

Issues of Medvedicization

There is no significant problem in the new, “non -Putin” majority in modern Russia. “Medvedevsksk” and “Putin” are not two different majority, but the same, the loyal-white-explosive majority (see above).

Simply, the Russian Federation, a pain can finally part with Putin’s image-only because the ex-president is too deliberately present in the political system, and every day a large PR campaign continues on the topic “Medvedev-puppet, Putin still rules the country”. More precisely, this large campaign consists of several medium and small ones, each of which has its own tactical tasks. But all campaigns as a whole entail one completely strategic consequence, namely a violation of paragraph 1 of the Holy Monarchical Ritual , which suggests the exclusivity of the monarch.

Therefore, the “Putin” majority can become “Medvedevsky” overnight. At the very moment when he is told that it is now not “Putin” and not “Medve-Putin”, but in its pure form “Medvedev”. This can be said in several ways. The first method is to resign Putin's government. The second way is to do something that it immediately becomes clear that Putin is no longer in business; For example, justify Khodorkovsky. The third method, the easiest - start five times less to show Putin on TV and stop endless conversations about the puppet. Maybe the Kremlin in the end, in the end, will use it. Method No. 3 does not imply any revolution or even the presence of an abstruse political technological know-how. Therefore, super -deeds, all -like and all -like.

A non -creative passive minority

The current ruling minority is used to justifying its actions by the imperfection of our people. Which, they say, is inert, servile, rude and configured antimodernectively. And that means that with such a people nothing but thieves' authoritarianism of the Latin American / African type cannot be made.

That is, we will rule, but there will be the one that we control for everything to the story.

The approach, of course, is barbaric, but incorrect.

Most are the water surface in which the ruling minority is reflected by the overhanging sky. The minority is in -creative and parasitic today. And if the surface of the majority is some kind of green-gray and inexpressibly muddy, then who to blame? Responsibility should have the same one who has power. Such is the immutable law of history. It cannot be changed even for a lot of money.

A new minority will appear (if it appears) - there will be a new majority. Not the other way around.

Therefore, I will say again and again: the problem of Russia is not the problem of the majority. There is no such problem. There is a minority problem.

Anyone who wants to create the majority must first create his own minority. Which will be very important and fundamental from the minority of the previous one.

Third

In Russia, the natural center of consolidation of an active creative minority, which is the driving force of any large reforms, is the king. As they say in the textbooks, it happened historically.

Khodorkovsky is the rights that Medvedev, if he had really planned the modernization as the construction of a new state, would first be a strong -willed decision to form a modernization elite, clearing the construction site for it. Like Peter I, as the Bolsheviks. (Who Medvedev and Khodorkovsky, however, are condemned for innumerable victims.)

It is not clear for what reason Medvedev should do this.

The third president of the Russian Federation has nominated the current parasitic elite - and by anyone else, - to solve the tasks of this elite. And not in order to arrange revolutions and throw away the current non -creative ruling minority in the trash.

Putin was supposed to ensure the vital interests of this elite primarily within Russia, having ceased political chaos and having removed the question of changing power in the Russian Federation from the agenda. Medvedev has a slightly different task - he must legalize this elite in the West. However, it is not at all by returning political chaos and restoring the issue of changing power in the Russian Federation. In this sense, the achievement of the Putin period is not subject to review. The rejection of the verbal standards of Munich speech does not mean any democratization. By the way, I wrote about this here in January 2008.

Actually, Medvedev himself says about this (and writes). But for some reason he is poorly heard and poorly understood.

The third president came to power in order to ensure calm to the current ruling minority - not to bring him a sword, but the world. He will do this while there is enough strength and resources. Something can change then and only when the margin of safety, inherited by the Russian Federation from the Soviet Union, is finally exhausted, the power structure with a terrible creak is tilted and Medvedev will be frightened that he will have to answer for everything-the “elite” will run away. Then, perhaps, he will extend the wet hand of cooperation with some completely different, different quality and kneading, to people. But - not earlier. Neither day nor an hour earlier.

And the raw material model of our economy does not exist at all because it was invented by a bloody Putin or alcohol Yeltsin. And because it is 100% corresponds to both interests and the worldview of the ruling minority (“Use that under your hand, and do not look for yourself another”). And there will not be any other model in the foreseeable tomorrow, no matter what they broadcast in the Kremlin ceremonial meetings.

And real modernization (again, as building a new state and modern society) in the real future will not happen. “Modernization” will be reduced to the introduction of energy conservation technologies, including “Anatolich light bulbs” (so that more oil and gas remains for super-profitable exports) and attempts to find an elixir of immortality (so that it is still carried away, contrary to archaic Judeo-Christian performances, a lot of money in a five-star grave).

There will be nothing more. Forget. Before the disaster - definitely will not. And when the disaster approaches, we will look there.

Democrats

At the same time, some Democrats opposition, of course, have every right-and can-go to work with Medvedev. Or, at least, to some near -Popsevdokvazimedvedev structures.

Because our Democrats, as a rule, have nothing against the mode of mode itself. They are just against their personal place in this mode. And for some reason, “democrats” and “critics of power” are called all who are not lazy: both top functions of the former Putin’s headquarters, and former ministers dug in the Public Chamber, and even the current members of the United Russia party.

I thought for a long time: what are the criteria of the Democrat in today's Russian Federation? And after years I thought of it.

Criterion N1: Democrat is our one who is against democracy. Those. Against the free elections, in which the official democrat will most likely lose, and will win the left and nationalists (if they once appear as a political force, and not as a spontaneous call of the Russian soul).

Criterion N2: Democrat is one who is against Sechin. If you believe that Sechin killed Politkovskaya and Litvinenko in order to force Putin to go for a third term - a democrat. You do not believe - the adherent of totalitarianism and, perhaps, even (in a half -whisper) agent of the FSB.

And if tomorrow the vice-prime minister in energy instead of Igor Sechin, for example, is Anatoly Chubais, we will immediately hear everything from the Democrats: that the thaw has already happened, the modernization of two-thirds happened, and Medvedev finally completely took power into his own hands.

Really. The time has come for all the democrats to return to power. In order not to fool our sick collective head.

Minority strategy

Dialogue with Russian power is a very good thing. Actually, this is a monologue. Your own. Under the old Putin, even without really starting to listen, they answered: “I went to the dick!” Under New Medvedev, they will answer, after listening to almost the middle: "Yes, very, very interesting." With the same result.

Therefore, genuine counter -elite two percent (Khodorkovsky believes that three are unprincipled) should today form without any dialogue. Without power and attempts to get into it. Without panic and fuss. Strictly for the elect. With the absolute understanding of your radical difference from “them”. In an atmosphere of complete confidence in his historical correctness. “Two percent is concentrated” - this is the slogan of the current moment.

Without unclenching your mouth, you need to repeat the monologue ten thousand times in order to firmly remember it and pronounce loudly at the only right moment.

Which, of course, may not come. If we and our coming to power are ahead of the disaster.

But we cannot know about this today. We can only wait and hope. Such a fate.

Photos of RIA Novosti