In the opposition

Results of the week: about bureaucratic intuition ...

February 23, 2012 Alexander Ryklin

The story with the hunger strike of unregistered City Council candidates in a small North Caucasus town, in fact, a suburbs of Pyatigorsk - if we project the situation to other regions of Russia - it seemed to me the most significant from the point of view of behavior in this conflict of law enforcement agencies. Not only local cops refused to use force to the starving in Lermontov (which, in general, is understandable: the town of a neighbor, of course, does not want to blush), but the riot police who arrived from Pyatigorsk did not take any side and limited his actions to formal maintenance of order. It is clear what this means? None of the police chiefs of even regional scale wanted to take responsibility for the consequences of a forceful action against peacefully protesting people. The former deputies who are starving in the city administration, apparently, are not consciously, but intuitively chose a form of protest, which today, apparently, can no longer be interrupted by the usual power methods.

I said “familiar”, not excluding the script at all, in which a flying punitive detachment will be created on the basis of some regional riot police, in whose responsibilities they will be imputed to quickly and effectively resolve such conflicts. I can quite allow the idea that such a peppy idea will come to someone's scribbled general. But here several questions immediately arise: what if the practice of active obstruction of the arbitrariness of higher authorities (in this case, actually raider capture of the city) will take a more or less mass all -Russian character? I'm afraid the center will not attack flying detachments. And the second - who can guarantee the loyalty of local law enforcement agencies in relation to visiting punishers? And if local cops begin to go over to the side of the “rebellious people” and, most importantly, take it under their defense?

But, it seems, the thesis of Vladimir Voinovich that the “Putin era came to an end” in the regions accepted (and realized his legitimacy and inevitability) even faster than in the capitals. Because, as we see, drilling many bureaucratic brains, a nasty thought “And the devil now knows how and what everything will turn out in the end”, which has replaced the solid -firm faith in the inviolability and inviolability of the Putin's vertical, already affects the behavior of representatives of power, primarily in the field. Maybe this happens because there they are more in sight. In Moscow, it seems that the topic of personal responsibility does not yet bother officials of different levels.

Take, for example, the metropolitan vice mayor Nikolai Gorbenko, who was detained by negotiations with representatives of the protesters about the time, format and place of the next protest campaign. At the moment - about the application submitted last Monday for a ten thousandth rally on the Lubyanskaya Square on March 5 in the evening. So, while Mr. Gorbenko demonstrates impenetrable perseverance and flatly refuses to “coordinate” (so this action is called in the law) Lubyanskaya or other large square in the center of the capital. And in the near future he will also have to consider the application for march and rally on March 10. And also in the center of Moscow, and not in Biryulyovo, not in South Butov, and not even in Luzhniki.

Now let's imagine the situation in which the authorities and the organizing committee did not come to an agreement ... Here it is also necessary to understand that the position (sometimes the seemingly overly radical) organizing committee is not at all due to its personal composition or pressure from certain political groups. It’s just that the organizing committee exists and uses the necessary authority to make key decisions exactly until it adequately reflects the interests and aspirations of most Moscow “Protestants” who have already learned to find each other in the vast expanses of Runet. And not only find, but also to develop an agreed agenda and even make decisions on one or another issues. The first discrepancy of the organizing committee with the protest Moscow mainstream will turn into an immediate collapse for him-he will simply cease to be interesting to anyone and people will find a different way to self-organize.

So, I repeat, imagine the situation in which this time the Moscow authorities and the "angry townspeople" did not agree. And everything went on as usual, and what happened to happen. That is, 61.7 percent of the votes (or 58.9) were successfully painted Vladimir Putin and announced his victory in the first round, and Moscow, furious and furious and furious by this unheard of impudence (and the tenth in the day) went out into the street. I don’t even want to predict how many people want to tell Vladimir Putin that the capital is not ready to “coordinate” his next presidential term. But we all understand that we are talking about tens of thousands of people. Or maybe about hundreds of thousands. I repeat, we are talking about unauthorized protest actions, which, most likely, will unfold through the entire center of the city. Of course, it will not do without provocations from the pro-government youth groups-the Surkovsky boys will attack someone, they will turn something upside down, set fire to some cars, and riot police will throw bottles. The police, of course, will answer. In various parts of the city, brawls will be tied with an unpredictable result ...

Now I have a question for the vice-mayor of Moscow, Mr. Gorbenko. Mr. Gorbenko is aware that I have now painted a scene from a film-catastrophe, but a quite realistic picture of events that can happen in Moscow after some ten days-two weeks? In the event that he, the vice-mayor of Moscow, Nikolai Gorbenko, refuses to provide Muscovites for a rally Square in the city center on March 5 and a route for the march and area for rally on March 10.

So, the dear Mr. Gorbenko, listen to your own bureaucratic intuition. After all, she tells you exactly that it is better to stand with a head down in front of the mayor Sobyanin (“How could I refuse them? Based on which law?”-well, will expel, so drive out) than later, very soon, to be responsible, do not bring the Lord, for some irreparable consequences of clashes in Moscow. What else is especially unpleasant in this responsibility, Mr. Gorbenko is that it is criminal ... And then you will tell you some impartial and harsh judges that you did not make any decisions yourself, but only broadcast strangers that you are just a small clerk ... and people will sit on the other side of the table, look at you from the sinor and nod their heads. Do you need it, Mr. Gorbenko?

So take an example from your regional colleagues, my dear Mr. Gorbenko, and “coordinate” Muscovites and 5th and 10 on March. You look, you will read it ...