Crumb of bread

The field of direct and indirect youth action in today's Russia has long been determined in detail for a long time: all pawns have been placed, all resources have been drawn up, all two-hour lectures on the “future of Russia” have been read. No one will come up with anything new: the inventors do not have enough intelligence or imagination for this.

In the format of the so-called “youth policy” (that is, organizations in which teenagers are promised a “bright future” for some kind of activity) there are many camps, forces, associations, parties and simply incomprehensible projects of three people. Surprisingly, they are, in essence, not much different from each other. This variety of uniformity is painful to perceive from the outside, especially if you do not know the subtleties of the disputes that arise here and there. An outsider, taken aback by the fact that young people “don’t drink beer in the hallways, but are busy with business,” out of the immanent habit of learning new things, will look for definitions and try to find out what the dispute is actually about.

And, of course, he will be wrong. The subject of controversy among youth organizations does not exist in nature. All fights and showdowns are organized around the fundamental issue of “ taking power .” Let me emphasize that it is about entering, not becoming, power. Literally, it looks like a passionate desire to “also control.” It is enough to read the transcript of the recent debate between “Defense” and “Nashi” to understand that neither one nor the other has any ideology, and the essence of the skirmish is a crumb of bread from the master’s table. The wretchedness of ideological argumentation and lengthy, meaningless rhetorical figures are a direct consequence of both the general puberty of the thinking of the disputants and the insignificance of the final goal. In the end, in Russia now there is a natural rotation of personnel, and, God willing, all those debating will receive some more or less monetary post in a couple of years.

And in this sense, it is completely indifferent who pays whom today. All the leaders of youth movements, foaming at the lips, love to prove that their “infantry” works “for the idea.” As it turns out, the idea boils down to a pathetic page-by-page retelling of the theses voiced by Vladislav Surkov before United Russia. Moreover, “under Surkov” everyone cleans themselves - even those who don’t want to know about it. The mechanism here is quite simple: the deputy head of the presidential administration, as a true postmodernist, collected and voiced a general, essentially ideological concept, which includes almost all of the ideas known in Russia today. Thus, his text included those theses that both Yabloko and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation love to use. Well, their youth “wings”, lacking their own ideas, simply once copied the main thoughts of their older comrades into a notebook, in rare cases bothering to rework them. So it turns out that the “defencists” who are essentially fighting the “regime” and the “nashi” who are advocating for the “regime” are ideologically completely untenable. There is Vladislav Surkov, who has already said everything for everyone. And all that remains for the “political youth” is to come to the shore and wait for the river to bring the bodies of their competitors, and they themselves will be given a post. And what, in essence, does it matter whether they hold their actions “for money” or “not for money”? There were still no ideas.

The methodology itself for checking all these youth parties for authenticity should, in principle, boil down to one very simple sentence: “Show me, guys, your ideological platform. Voice it, my dears.” If in response you hear something about the “future of Russia”, “economic stability”, “development of democracy”, “workers’ rights”, feel free to classify the speakers as fans of “Spartak” and “Dynamo”. For these people, their ideology boils down to approximately the same set of cliches. They also wear scarves of different colors, which, by the way, is very aesthetically pleasing. It must be said that the ideological views of the abstract machine operator from the city of Tver will be the same. The locksmith, too, like all of the above, graduated from school and knows how to put words into sentences.

For a long time, the National Bolsheviks remained a strange exception to the rule, behind which many for some reason dreamed of an “idea”. The general pathos of the National Bolsheviks is also known: opposition to the current government, seizure of government institutions and “50 comrades-in-arms in prison.” The latter, according to some perverted logic, is revered as the highest manifestation of the “idea”. It turns out that sitting down is an honor.

It turns out that it is also an honor to beat up your opponents. In general, the National Bolsheviks have always been very jealous of street manifestations of the “struggle for power”: only the lazy did not attack their Bunker. Any news of the slightest assault was immediately circulated and presented as “political repression.” Apparently, the time has come for “response”. And they turned out to be surprisingly awkward.

Near the Tagansky court building, where the Ministry of Justice once again refused to register the National Bolsheviks party, several young people tried to throw eggs at NBP leader Eduard Limonov. The answer was surprisingly symmetrical. One of the NBP ideologists in the LiveJournal community of the same name described everything that happened more than emotionally. True, later, due to conspiracy, the entry was erased, but “Yandex” is not the tsar’s gendarmes, you can’t fool it with an inkwell made of bread :

"Saved copy of the page http://community.livejournal.com/ru_nbp/350159.html

Yandex is in no way associated with the authors and content of the page

Registrars

This morning, in the Tagansky court of the capital, the trial began on the NBP's claim regarding the refusal to register the party. Surkov's mercenaries - the Bauman "infantry" ("Young Russia") in the amount of about 40 snouts came to the court building - to wait for Limonov. When the leader of the NBP arrived at the court building, the National Bolsheviks formed a living corridor for the Leader, eggs were thrown at him from the scum, in response, the party members flew at the provocateurs and dispersed them to the courtyards, about 10 of them “were simply brutally fucked up and shot from Udarov, the whole courtyard in blood". The National Bolsheviks handed over two of them to the cops, the cops didn’t accept another one because he was lying unconscious (it wasn’t easy for the guy to get Surkov’s money), now he has come to his senses and is waiting for an ambulance, his face is very beautiful.

The trial continues and Limonov is in the courthouse, new provocations and developments are possible."

Everything is here, the general level of the author, the principled position, ideology, and everything your heart desires. In the heat of joyful pathos, the comrade made a mistake with the organization: it turned out that the “attackers” did not belong to any of the youth “movements.” In the text, two fundamental accentuations attract attention - on the figure of the “Leader” and on “Surkov’s money”. In the first case, it is not very clear what the National Bolshevik pathos consists of. If he is in Limonov’s fiery defense, then it is not at all clear how the National Bolsheviks differ from Spartak fans? If some forty Dynamo fans had tried to not only throw eggs at Spartak, but even to insult one of the “red-white” players, it would have been a massacre. Perhaps the Spartak fans would have won (if they had had weapons), but, in essence, so what? Being proud of fighting for an idol is not a good idea. Of course, he's drawn to being a fan. What do you get from fandom?

But the rumor about “Surkov’s money” does indeed suggest the idea. In the final press release published on the official National Bolshevik website, there is no talk of any “Young Russia”. But the attackers already had Osa pistols, which, of course, creates a certain intrigue in the confrontation. Still, kicking someone who is lying down is not exactly manly. But the shootout is just that. However, I repeat, Lenin’s time with the bread inkwell has passed. There are electronic search engine robots all around who don’t care at all. Of course, the “attackers” did not have any weapons, otherwise the fiery National Bolshevik would definitely write about it. I couldn't resist.

However, let's return to Surkov's money. By themselves they are unimportant. It is important that the jealousy that comes through in the proclamation published in the community is absent on the site. It is inconvenient for adults to be so openly jealous of the fact that they gave money to others. But on the site there is a very nice poll dedicated to whether there is fascism in Russia. As you know, “fascism” is perceived by oppositionists of all stripes as “the basic trend of the bloody regime.” And it seems that Eduard Limonov is not alien to the idea that he can also participate in the distribution of financial resources allocated by the authorities. Otherwise, where on an extremely pretentious resource are there such soft, seemingly “dictated from above” formulations? Are the National Bolsheviks turning out to be some very delicate “fighters against the regime”? Why did it happen? It seems that we have “repression in the country”?

Let's try to describe in a few words the very “ideology of the National Bolsheviks”, which should distinguish them from “everyone else.” can say a lot : An excerpt from Limonov’s book “The Other Russia”

"Allow polygamy, free communities. Women should become pregnant endlessly and bear fruit. Children will be supported and raised by the community. And they will live and be raised among adults. And from the age of, well, say, ten years. Now children are rotting in boring schools, feeding their brains and memories forcibly with dust that no one needs. Education will be short and different. Boys and girls will be taught to shoot grenade launchers, jump from helicopters, besiege villages and cities, skin sheep and pigs, cook delicious hot food, and learn to write poetry. There will be sports competitions, wrestling, a free duel without rules, running, jumping. The poems of Nikolai Gumilyov and the books of Lev Gumilyov will be read, entire generations will, according to the behests of Konstantin Leontyev, be taught to love the East. To understand the beauty of the blue steppe and red mountains. And all the abomination of concrete barracks in the snow, the abomination of Moscow residential areas."

In a monstrously eclectic compote, Limonov mixes the ideas of Lenin’s comrades Bogdanov and Lunacharsky, the intellectual admiration for the East that was fashionable at the beginning of the 20th century, some very Wahhabi things - further on in the text the number of ingredients generally goes beyond the bounds of reason. Limonov, not at all ashamed of it, copied all these ideas from one of the founders of the NBP, Alexander Dugin, that is, they get to the National Bolsheviks through third parties, fairly simplified and flavored with classic Limonov’s narcissism. Postmodernism postmodernism. You can only believe this nonsense without understanding where it comes from. “Now children are rotting in boring, gray schools” - this, my God, is the ideas of Soviet teachers of the 20s, and Maria Montessori, and the list goes on. All this has already been said a thousand times, gone through and forgotten, then revived, then forgotten again. Only Limonov came to his senses only at the beginning of the 21st century. Obviously, all this literary stuff has little in common with the political ideology of the potential government. The authorities differ from passers-by with their wild imagination in that they represent the construction of working institutions, and not Manila projects.

As for the “ordinary members of the party,” Dmitry Bavilsky is right, who wrote in his opinion column about something completely different, it would seem: “When Lev Danilkin from Afisha immoderately praises the secondary “Kys” by Tatyana Tolstoy, it becomes clear that he I just haven’t read the Strugatskys (and many others). When people admire “9th Company,” it only means that they didn’t follow Kubrick and Coppola during perestroika and know them only in the “boring” television format.”

It’s exactly the same story with the National Bolsheviks. There is no need to talk about any intelligible, clear and personal ideology. Eclectic eclecticism. How they differ from “Ours” is completely unclear. Going to “actions” because of vague postmodernism is exactly the same abomination as “going to actions” because of money. What kind of ideology is there?

However, the self-characteristic of the leader of the National Bolsheviks in the novel “Girl-Beast” is noteworthy: “The girl was waiting for me at the elevator, dressed in torn clean jeans and a short blouse and clutching in her hands all my books published in Serbian. The girl turned out to be burning black-haired, "A head taller than me, she looked at me with the gaze of a sticky fly agaric looking at a fly and with her fused blue-black eyebrows she looked like the beautiful Jovanka Broz, Tito's powerful wife. The animal girl, as I immediately dubbed her, chose to wear her hair in a bun . "

Of course, “all books” are touching. It’s good that people went to Ilyich without a complete academic work. Would it be necessary to deliver on carts? Limonov can be understood: the desire for “girls” can hardly be condemned. The aging writer now needs only one thing: to live quietly and calmly somewhere with his “faithful companions.” This is the ideology of current National Bolshevism. Everything else is just the entourage of a play called “Eduard Limonov”. Everything else is cardboard, poorly drawn, scenery for the “fight against the regime.” In essence, Limonov is a wonderful help to the regime. As long as it exists, there is no need to fear a systemic threat from marginal teenagers with “Bolshevik views.” Will they continue to ardently defend the “Leader”, who needs little? Exactly as much as Kasyanov, and Yavlinsky, and Nemtsov, and the same Dugin. A crust of bread and a sniff of tobacco.

Vladislav Yuryevich, give them some poverty. Will these still be useful?