In the Kremlin

The results of the week. Relabuha

January 25, 2008 Alexander Golts

Dmitry Medvedev’s journey to power began in comfort and bliss. So sometimes, non -poor people, in complete solitude, fly in a first -class salon. What the hell is the presidential race. Television is only busy to have time to fully cover the performances of the first deputy prime minister. The Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov timidly asks the successor to the debate and languidly offends that that his messages ignores. In the signatures filed in support of the nomination of former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov, an excessive number of “defective” were found. But no marriage was found in the signatures of another self-nominated candidate Andrei Bogdanov, who was approved by the candidate. During the New Year holidays, this genius of organization managed to collect two million signatures in his support, despite the fact that less than 100 thousand votes were filed for the Democratic Party of Russia, headed by Bogdanov. Mr. Bogdanova has the most important function. He is a safety candidate. So that, if Zyuganov still threaten and withdraw from the elections, Medvedev would not be left alone with Zhirinovsky. The organizers of all this action believe that, in extreme cases, one clown will balance the other.

At the same time, Medvedev’s rating was already 20 percent exceeded Putin’s election rating four years ago. In a word, Putin said: “We must!”, The people replied: “There is!” And he began to love the new boss as sincerely as he had recently loved the previous one. And all this election stability relaxed the Russian authorities to complete exhaustion. All Medvedev’s election events are purely for a checkmark. There is no attempt to hurt for living voters.

Here they conduct, for example, the second civilian forum, collected solely in order to demonstrate wide support by the public of the "liberal" Medvedev. And in the Moscow Manege, in addition to the appointed members of the Public Chamber, they gathered participants in such prominent organizations as, for example, the health league of the nation, the “21st century barracks” and the radical extension fund of life (it is strange why they did without sexual reform leagues). I was a huge impression was made by a child prodigy, which developed a device that improves educational computer programs.

It is clear that all these consistent fighters for the rights of civil society should not be convinced of the need to defend rights and freedoms. And Medvedev did not. He languidly listed ordinary sophisms of the Kremlin propagandists: about the national specifics of Russian democracy, about the need for the coexistence of a “strong” state and a strong civil society. And Medvedev was also languidly sluggish - without Putin's passion and pressure. Colleagues from Novaya Gazeta published a wonderful tablet in which they compared Medvedev’s words with what really was happening in the country. Opposite the statements of the Deputy Prime Minister to create a legal state-the decision of the Supreme Court to leave in prison the deadly sick Vasily Aleksanyan. Next to the words about the need for a free independent press are the facts of the persecution of journalists. The statement that the concurrent of attention should be the concerns of ordinary citizens is illustrated by the next medicinal crisis. However, for some reason, the presidential candidate was not at all afraid that social activists collected in Moscow would begin to oppose him. I suspect that it is just as calm, without pressure, without a desire to convince someone, I must, according to the plans of the Kremlin strategists, go through the entire election campaign. So that the country is half -drying for Medvedev.

Probably, the state of anabiosis, in which the country is carefully immersed is an ideal form for transferring power in a country where institutions of transferring power do not work. Or maybe collective anabiosis is generally an ideal form of existence for states, called Petrocraits.

The problem, however, is that just this week the first waves of the growing global economic crisis were rolled to Russia. I must say that government liberals were preparing to confront this crisis quite consistently, which would be a result of a drop in oil prices and other resources: a stabond was created, the foreign exchange reserves of which would allow to exist in adverse economic circumstances. However, the state clearly will not be able to fulfill the obligations that it took upon itself in the pre -election period in order to immerse the country in a blessed dream. Forcibly awakening can be quite unpleasant for the Kremlin strategists.