The freebie is over

In the Russian opposition, the last twenty years there was only one type of political existence: the policy was party. In the 90s, ambitious leaders competed inside the parties, and the parties quickly decided on the leaders: Yavlinsky - "Yabloko", Zhirinovsky - LDPR, Zyuganov - Communist Party, Limonov - NBP, etc.

The party that did not determine with the leader remained weak, they, as they say, blew them with the wind. The absence of a single leader testified unmistakably about the weakness of the party. When it was cast from several inexpressive parties "Homeland", a rather strong Rogozin was found for her. Despite the Kremlin origin, the "homeland" suddenly flooded, went to win the minds and would, perhaps, would soon be the first most popular in Russia if it had not been turned off. She turned it off as dangerous for himself, the Kremlin. Rogozin later told me that he was forced to leave, intimidated the threat of the life of his children. You can believe it, but you can not believe it. The “homeland” was cut, and the units were thrown into a political landfill, the leader went to the service of the Kremlin, he is, and he will still come up.

In 2006, the opposition coalition appeared, named after the title of one of my books - another Russia. This was already an attempt to get away from party policy in the opposition coalition policy. And although the coalition was headed by the leaders of political parties - Kasparov (OGF), Kasyanov (RNDS) and Limonov (NBP) - this has already come to Russia not a party, but a supra -party policy.

The life of the coalition turned out to be brief, it actually lasted only a year and will forever remain in the history of Russian politics as the first experience of the wide coalition of the opposition.

In 2007, another Russia broke up, and next year another short -term experience of the supra -party coalition took place: the National Assembly was created. I came up with the project alone, but subsequently he chopped Kasparov and turned into an obedient dead organization. Kasparov, in all likelihood, wanted to have his pocket parliament for every firefighter in order to put him on the neck of the suddenly rebellious people at a convenient moment. Then we saw that when the Moscow people still rebelled, he completely ignored the national assembly and created ephemeral, but his governing bodies were organizing committees and initiative groups, where careerists of all stripes squeezed with battle.

But then I ran ahead. Having torn at the beginning of 2009 with Kasparov and the National Assembly, I implemented the Strategy-31 project, also entirely mine. The first action of the strategy was held on January 31, 2009. And in the summer of the same year I invited Lyudmila Alekseeva to the "strategy" to strengthen us. It was also a non -partisan and supra -party policy.

As usual, Alekseev and her human rights activists, the liberals quickly broke under the pressure of the authorities, who wants to eliminate the "strategy". Alekseeva bent and betrayed me, agreed to a separate semi -legal, semi -police rally on the triumphal on October 31, 2010. She was supported by all those to whom I would not give my hands today, because in the last year they managed to make a few more sornses at my address Alekseev was supported by Nemtsov, Ryzhkov, Yashin, egg -headed daring. For five months, two rallies of Strategies-31 lasted on the same area. In the end, Alekseeva stopped her rallies, stopping rivalry. But the damage has already been caused. I have not forgotten and will never forget how the Moscow police dragged me upside down to the rally of Alekseeva by force and how they turned away, pretending that they did not see this scene, prominent liberals. I will not forget this humiliation.

2010 and 2011 were in attempts to find a new way of political existence. There were attempts to return to the old party form of politics. Several associations of liberals were created - "Solidarity", a party of Parnassus. The left-wing company was created, in July 2010 I created the Party of another Russia.

The political landscape changed dramatically after December 4, 2011 - the election day of the State Duma. The masses unexpectedly poured out the streets of Moscow: angry townspeople, they are the Moscow intelligentsia. The masses turned their heads to many. Both well -known leaders and dozens of who came running to the opportunists rushed to lead the masses. Well, you remember the tragic story with the departure of tens of thousands of protesters on the island of Bolotnaya. It was the purely water betrayal, a conspiracy with the authorities. Nemtsov, Ryzhkov, Parkhomenko, Gudkov - remember these names; However, you already know them - I took people from the Square of the Revolution.

Throughout the winter and spring, bourgeois leaders pretended to be trying to change power, but most of all they competed among themselves and with the newly -coming strangers for leadership in the opposition.

As you know, they got rid of me on December 10, putting me in front of the dilemma: either join the betrayal and go with them to Bolotnaya, or stay in political loneliness. We chose temporary loneliness. Subsequently, already in January, my party comrades attempted to enter the organizing committee and the initiative group for organizing rallies, but were cut off under various pretexts. The fact that the National Bolsheviks turned out to be removed from participation in decision -making did not only arrange bourgeois leaders, but also entered their plans.

Meanwhile, competitors appeared in the unauthorized command. Protest youth, nameless ambitious boys and girls started talking about the need to change the obsolete, in their opinion, Nemtsov and the company. The apparatchiks of "solidarity" - Bilunov, Davidis, Yankauskas - showed leadership ambitions. In addition, a group of authoritative intellectuals of the voters who united in the league of voters was suddenly formed. Nobody remembered all of them, over 20 people, but the political activity unusual for them began to show bulls, Akunin, and Parthenov. The “payback” movement, so named according to the Western model, generally advocated the abolition of any leadership. At the same time, the group “For Honest Power” appeared (Mandarinov, Kazakova, Babchenko), who criticized the Nemtsov-Udaltsov-Naval group and called for acting more radically and decisively. This group, in particular, urged on May 6 to reach the manifold area, but they did not succeed.

I will say skeptical that all these ephemeral associations were aimed at seizing the leadership over the movement of the masses, seduced by easy prey. It seemed to them that, spraying the saliva further than all and the squeal from the stage of rallies louder, they acquire the right to manage the masses. In fact, leadership is an authority under construction (often slowly) from decisive acts and adopted smart decisions. Authority is not created instantly. Instantly, only soap bubbles are blown out.

To date, in the struggle for leadership in relation to the masses, the angry citizens no one has won. The portrait of the leaders remains group - however, the group was pretty thin. Dozens of soap bubbles have already burst.

They do not participate in protest activity, afraid to lose the newly acquired republican party of folk freedom, Ryzhkov and Kasyanov. Nemtsov, whose reputation is torn to shreds, sits on two chairs: he wants with the Republican Parnassus, where he is a co -chairman, to participate in the elections (any!), And holds a warm place in the organizing committee of swamp rallies. He confuses his associates, although he himself does not understand this. They would love to get rid of him. And get rid of a short time.

He outplayed himself, entangled in opposition policy, the great chess strategist Kasparov. He went to the third roles. Yashin always remains on third roles.

Gudkov Sr. with trepidation awaits that his deputy mandate is about to take away from him-for him it will be a life disaster. If they do not take it away, he will behave quietly, will forever forget the way to rallies. If the mandate is taken away, without a mandate it is not needed by marsh.

Many characters of winter and spring seemed to be blown away by the wind. Where, for example, Olga Romanova, a fellow practitioner of the oligarchs, a “wallet” of protest rallies, turning a couple of rallies of angry citizens into rallies in defense of his husband Kozlov accused of fraud? Where is she?

How the wind was blown away by the playbooes of Parfenov and Akunin. Half-Vidin (recently, I read, for some reason he preached Orthodoxy in Russia!) The writer Bykov.

There were no new leaders. On the contrary, as you see, a whole clip completely disappeared after the protests of the winter-spring. The remaining will quickly fade.

Moscow masses are seductively buzzing still in the squares, but the masses have not won. Therefore, all the masses claiming the free leadership did not become long -term leaders. One season was slightly known - and nothing more. After all, the leaders are producing victory, but there is no victory, and therefore there are no leaders.

However, there are still two conditional - Navalny and Udaltsov. You will not envy them. Demanding masses with hope in the gaze, like hungry children, look at them: "Organize victory for us!" And they cannot, because they do not know how.

It is most likely to return to the good old party policy implemented by political parties, and not jelly -like masses. We'll have to work. The freebie is over.