Myth station wagon

Two years ago, Stanislav went to the Moskva bookstore and bought two portraits of Putin. I decorated my real estate agency with them. “One hangs over my head in my office, the other is on my left,” explains the realtor. That is, wherever you look, you will definitely meet the eyes of the President. Clients, according to his observations, like: “What? It was easy for me to hang."

It turned out to be easy for most of our fellow citizens to live with love for Putin. At the mention of his name, the eyes of officials light up. Statues of the president made of expensive metals were wound up on the tables of businessmen. And even journalists at a recent Kremlin press conference tried to ask a question in such a way as to quote the previous speech of the head of state: “Your position on the main directions of the development of gold mining in Russia, voiced at a meeting in Magadan at the end of November, lifted the spirits of all subsoil users ...”

Sociologists and historians are still arguing whether there is a Putin personality cult in the country. Almost the entire liberal audience of Ekho Moskvy radio station - 81% of those who got through while the survey was being conducted - has no doubts about its presence. No other audience was asked. Whether there is a cult or not, the fact is that the political landscape in Russia is now even bleaker than half a century ago: there is not only no Nikita Khrushchev, who debunked the Stalinist cult at the 20th Congress of the Central Committee of the CPSU, but also strong candidates for this role - which in critics that in Putin's successors.

It would seem that officials should be the first in the ranks of those who adore - the bureaucracy is traditionally built on the principle of admiration. In fact, “hardly anyone has a more cynical attitude” towards Putin than the “arrogant caste,” assures former Deputy Energy Minister Vladimir Milov: the president speaks to them from a position of strength, and “the worship of the cult of power is always false.” But even those who, on principle, do not hang portraits of Putin in their office, no, no, yes, they will say: “Here, damn it, what a fine fellow after all.” “First, young. Second, athletic. Thirdly, he confidently holds on to the international arena, and feels like a master on the domestic one, - Milov lists. - White envy envy how well he copes with the role. Someone [of the officials] told me so: maybe he does not do everything he has to do for the country, but who knows what he should? But everyone knows what he should do ritually: sit on the nuclear button, meet with world leaders and keep order. And this is what he does brilliantly - for this he is loved.

Milov has long been the head of the private Energy Policy Institute and can afford to relax a little. For those who are still in power, Putin's personality is a taboo. They try not to call him by his last name and refuse to discuss exactly what qualities of the president cause a glint of admiration in their eyes. Even for a nice conversation in the hotel restaurant during a business trip abroad. “And I don’t advise you to dig into it!” - a high-ranking official interrupts the questions - a very kind, by the way, gentleman who has never "poked" before. He confidently talks about important state affairs, but cannot explain why he fell in love with Putin so sharply, whom, by his own admission, he does not know well. And why does he not question his decisions, although he criticized Boris Yeltsin more than once. “Just a priori,” is the explanation. The president's associates always answer such questions in the same way: "Do not touch the boss" or even "Do not encroach on yourself." And one employee of the presidential administration laughed it off: “There is something karmic in our relationship.”

This mysterious connection is sometimes not interrupted even after the resignation. Andrei Illarionov, who scandalously resigned in December from the post of economic adviser to Putin and publicly called the redistribution of property in favor of the state a scam of the last two years, has remained silent about the president to this day - "does not feel entitled to speak on this topic." Even in a secret book “for their own” (“Yes, Mr. President!”), Published in Vilnius with a circulation of 500 copies, “translated from Bulgarian”, despite the promising annotation (“revelations” about “modern Russian bureaucracy”, “the real truth about Kremlin and White House concepts”), there is almost not a word about Putin. And then the author Yuri Pavlov bashfully points out in the preamble that everything written reflects a kind of collective unconscious, namely, "the public opinion of government officials." But, handing this book to a Newsweek correspondent, a White House official proudly remarks that "we don't have any cult."

The same can be heard from the governors - although, in theory, they should show every respect for Putin from an elementary calculation: their fate after the reform of the electoral law completely depends on the presidential will. Even the governor of the Perm Territory, Oleg Chirkunov, who is known for the fact that there is not a single image of a guarantor in his office, does not see the cult. “It is rather at the level of sensations and ideas. Someone already considers this [the new format of power] to be correct, but someone does not, - Chirkunov explains somehow not at all in a heroic way. “Do you want there to be no exceptions, I will hang a portrait of Putin tonight?”

For an official, the absence of a presidential card is indeed a badge of distinction. “If you don’t have a portrait of the president, then you don’t respect him, and then you don’t respect the vertical either, which means you don’t respect your immediate superior,” Milov continues. In the Ministry of Energy, where, according to him, "there was complete liberalism - [there were portraits] from Stolypin to Che Guevara, some even [a poster of the rock band] AC / DC" - employees posted images of Putin without disgust. The cult was. But not the president personally, but "discipline and loyalty."

The same goal - to demonstrate loyalty to both clients, partners, and the tax, if it comes up - was also pursued by the realtor Stanislav. The one who hung two Putins at once in his office. “No, I don't like his regime, I'm a democrat by nature,” he says. - But my clients are ordinary people. I can see that they like the president.” Involuntarily, even larger companies have become fatalists. Putin's high rating is one of the main factors of stability, no one sees alternatives to him - "if you ask investors, I think the absolute majority would leave him for a third term," said Vladimir Pantyushin, chief economist at the Renaissance Capital investment group.

And what to do - Putin really is now our everything. It replaces both the national idea, which cannot be found, and the economic strategy. And all power is also in his hands. “Today [there is] calm in society. And people are grateful to him [Putin] for this - not for some special deeds, because he did nothing special. He didn’t carry out reforms, he didn’t even make personnel changes: he replaced [Alexander] Voloshin and [Mikhail] Kasyanov, who had come to the fore under Yeltsin, only four years later,” explains Roy Medvedev, one of the most famous researchers of Stalin’s personality cult.

In general, we live poorly and badly, but without uncertainty. Even the president's ideological opponents do not argue with this. After all, they, too, can now calmly fall asleep in the evening and know for sure in which country they will wake up. “Yeltsin made a strong discomfort: he opened the world and showed that we are trailing behind, that we need to catch up and climb somewhere. And now familiar words sound again: we are the best and most spiritual, - says the leader of the Democratic Union, Valeria Novodvorskaya. - And who thinks otherwise - "ugh on you."

This Putin's "ugh", according to her, is very characteristic of the "scoop" - Stalin, whose personality cult Khrushchev debunked with such agony exactly 50 years ago, communicated with foreign correspondents in much the same way. Not surprisingly, his “role is now being overestimated”: the patriotism that Putin is associated with emphasizes the achievements of the past, not crimes, Medvedev explains. And the “deification” of power is not even an achievement of Stalin, but a historical tradition, which is 500 years old, if you count from Ivan III, adds Igor Dolutsky. He is the author of a school history textbook, which officials banned two years ago: the historian invited students to prove or disprove the thesis that the Putin regime is authoritarian: “I teach children that the cult of personality is endowing a person with qualities that are not characteristic of him and admiring him. Moreover, it is not at all necessary to have a personality, it is enough that there are clergymen. [And in our country] the presidency itself is built on the principle of deification.”

And thank God that, due to some historical cataclysm, a more unrestrained leader like LDPR chairman Vladimir Zhirinovsky did not take Putin's place, Mikhail Kondratyev, dean of the Moscow City Psychological and Pedagogical University, is sure. After all, trusting the leader, people first of all relieve themselves of responsibility, like a woman who is satisfied if the responsibility in the family lies with a man.

Kondratiev and a good half of political scientists are sure that there is no personality cult in Russia - it is confused with the "cult of the role." Yeltsin got out of his role: he fell off a bridge, drank vodka, conducted an orchestra, reminds the dean - against such a background, a return to the “correct” role model may be unexpected for someone. But not for the majority, for whom, much to the dismay of the disgraced oligarch Boris Berezovsky, "it is not the personality that is important, but the chair that this personality occupies is important."

Just seven years ago, he was the main motor of the election campaign of the Kremlin movement "Unity" - the prototype of United Russia. But cooperation with Putin ended in the very first days of his presidency. Now a businessman from abroad reminds his henchman that in addition to the majority in his native country, there is also a minority capable of “forcibly intercepting anti-constitutional power”: “I know many people who understand: either Russia will fall apart and Putin’s regime will fall apart with it , or just the mode.

But the regime does not show clear signs of collapse. It did not arise spontaneously. “It was a brilliant calculation: the electorate is people with secondary specialized education, that is, technical schools and vocational schools,” recalls the former chief sociologist of the same “Unity”, and now the head of the laboratory of socio-psychological problems of consciousness of the Psychological Institute of the Russian Academy of Education Igor Dubov. - These people did not reach the university. They go to work every day, miss the stars from the sky and always vote. There are at least 40% of such people in Russia. They are also Putin's electoral base." Dubov says he has done research and "knows for a fact that Putin's rating is not made up" - and indeed, it is consistently above 50%.

What suits them Putin? “I think it's perfectly clear. These people were always pierced under the Democrats and did not have time to adapt. They sincerely did not understand why they had to suffer under that regime. In other countries, respect is being brought up for the stronger, talented and energetic, because the energetic pull society forward. And we have never respected them. Who is [Mikhail] Khodorkovsky - it's just an enemy! It is impossible to explain to this middle peasant that Khodorkovsky is better than him and more talented, even if he was a thief,” explains Dubov.

For those who are not going to fight for the rights of the ex-co-owner of Yukos, but want to effectively advance in the new system, Dubov advises to get a certificate of loyalty - a “pass” can be even a portrait of Putin in the office, even a United Russia party card.

And the dissatisfied will be gathered on March 1 at the Taganka Theater by the former Minister of Economy Yevgeny Yasin. The "Sixties", among whom are waiting for Yuri Lyubimov, Gavriil Popov and Vasily Aksenov, are gathering just in honor of the anniversary of the 20th Congress. Yasin has already included in his abstracts the words about how Putin's Kremlin is tightening the screws, violating legal and moral laws.

In principle, they can console themselves that this creates problems not only for them, but for Putin too. For example, there are very big problems with the inevitable sooner or later departure from power, which seems to take place in 2008. Kommersant, former Vice President of the World Bank Johannes Lynn, who advised the Russian government at the dawn of democratic reforms.

And this despite the fact that the merits of the ruler in his cult may be quite a bit. “Many of those who are regularly shown on TV” can become cult characters, assures 25-year-old Margarita Simonyan, who heads the Russian “foreign broadcasting” TV channel Russia Today. “They even wrote letters to me, sent flowers, gifts,” she describes how she felt signs of her own cult when she worked in the presidential pool at the Rossiya TV channel.

Twentieth, revealing

The first attempt to overcome political absolutism

The XX Congress of the CPSU was held on February 14-25, 1956 and went down in history thanks to the last day of its work. Then, towards the end - so as not to open the debate - the first secretary of the Central Committee Nikita Khrushchev made a report "On the cult of personality and its consequences." It turned out that until recently the deified Stalin was in fact a usurper, tyrant and executioner of millions of innocent victims. They did not dare to publish the report (it was first published 30 years later, at the height of perestroika), but the text was sent around the country, it was read at party meetings and meetings of the activists, and almost all workers were acquainted with it. Listeners often fainted, there were even cases of suicide - millions of people experienced severe disappointment. In the summer of the same year, a resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU "On overcoming the cult of personality and its consequences" was issued. Political prisoners were released from prisons and camps, and, in the words of Anna Akhmatova, "Russia, which was imprisoned, met with Russia, which imprisoned." Political documents stated: "Stalin grossly violated the Leninist norms of party life," but the cult of personality "could not change the socialist nature of the Soviet state," and now the party is "restoring the principles of collective leadership." The new course was not consistent, the party leaders and Khrushchev himself scolded those who went too far in criticizing Stalin.

In 1957, the Stalinist guard, the “anti-party group” was removed from their posts: Voroshilov, Kaganovich, Malenkov, Molotov (the lengthy list of factionalists invariably ended with the addition “and Shepilov who joined them”) - they were accused of “opposing the cleansing work begun by the XX congress." The repressed military leaders and part of the party and Soviet leaders were rehabilitated (except for the most prominent - Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, Rykov, etc.). The high point of de-Stalinization was the 22nd Congress of the CPSU (1961) - Khrushchev's report abounded in chilling details of the assassination of Kirov and the suicide of Ordzhonikidze. Stalin was taken out of the Mausoleum, all the statues were demolished, except for the monument at home in Gori, because of the line “Stalin raised us to be loyal to the people”, they stopped singing the anthem to the verses of S. Mikhalkov and G. El-Registan. The name of the leader disappeared from geographical maps: historical names were returned to Bulgarian Varna and Polish Katowice, Donetsk and Volgograd were invented for Yuzovka (Stalino) and Tsaritsyn (Stalingrad), respectively.

The principle of power was not affected by the changes. “Violations of the law” were condemned, but Khrushchev, dissatisfied with the verdict in the famous Rokotov case (currency speculation), could retroactively make an article of the Criminal Code “by firing squad” so that the defendants received capital punishment.

Decisions “on an increase in the role of the Soviets” did not lead to the creation of Soviet parliamentarism, attempts to limit the tenure of the first persons of the republics and regions to two elective terms (they were counted according to party congresses and party conferences: two times five years) ended in nothing - like the introduction of a similar norm in the current time. And even among the reasons for Khrushchev's resignation, the absolutization of his personal power was indicated - "the combination of top posts in the party and government, which interfered with the delineation of powers of various bodies."

Leaders and teachers came in the days of struggle and anxiety and remained in power until their death (years of reign are indicated)

Europe. intelligent cult

Tito (1944-1980)

All manifestations of the cult of Yugoslav Marshal Josip Broz Tito are very European. Films were made about the marshal and books were published, he was an honorary member of all the Yugoslav academies of sciences and arts, and even the country's first doctor of military sciences. Parliament elected him president for life. But soon after his death, the country itself died, which gave him all these regalia - after all, everything rested on his word of honor.

Franco (1936-1975)

Equestrian and foot monuments to His Excellency the Head of Spain, by the grace of God, Francisco Franco were erected only during his lifetime. His portraits were printed on banknotes and postage stamps - as in some Africa. And after death, the heretical Palmarian church canonized Franco along with Columbus. But the country decided to get rid of his legacy as soon as his ashes rested next to the tomb of the kings.

Ceausescu (1965-1989)

Romanian President Nicolae Ceausescu renamed the country and began building a "comprehensively developed socialist society" inspired by the Juche ideas. The first secretary of the Romanian Workers' Party settled in a luxurious palace, got himself a scepter, and appointed his relatives to key posts. Posters were hung all over the country “Party. Romania. Ceausescu." Too sumptuous and tasteless even for the Balkans. Perhaps that is why the rebellious people did not pardon him.

Asia. red triad

Mao Zedong (1949-1976)

“Stalin and Mao are listening to us,” Chinese children sing even now. The instructions of the Great Pilot, collected in the "Quote Book" and circulated in millions of copies, are in every Chinese home. He only partly copied Stalin: unlike his “elder brother,” he listened to criticism to the end, without any excessive temper and suspicion - and only then got rid of the dissatisfied. As a result, his cult peacefully coexists with the new China, and the Chairman himself rests in the Mausoleum on the largest square in the world.

Ho Chi Minh (1945-1969)

Ho Chi Minh during his lifetime was easily called "Uncle Ho", and all his repressions can be attributed to the difficulties of wartime. However, the honors shown to him after his death put him on a par with Kim, Mao and Stalin. The grateful Vietnamese put him in the Mausoleum and named the highest state award after him. Saigon - the former capital - also became Ho Chi Minh. Plagiarists - everything is very much like "grandfather Lenin".

Kim Il Sung (1948-1994)

Eternal President of the DPRK Kim Il Sung made sure that his cause did not collapse after his death. Power smoothly passed to his son, the "Sun of the 21st century" Kim Jong Il. To do this, the cult had to be divided into two parts in advance: part of the honors to himself, part to the successor. Kim Sr., the Juche ideologue and teacher, achieved what no modern ruler has been able to achieve: total isolation from the rest of the world. North Korea greeted the sunset of the "Sun of the Nation" with three years of mourning. And on the birthday of the Invincible Eternal Leader, Koreans celebrate the New Year of the Juche Era.

Africa. Insatiable

Idi Amin (1971-1979)

“Lord of all earthly animals and sea fish, conqueror of the British Empire, King of Scotland” Idi Amin is a typical African dictator, he was distinguished from his colleagues by the size (110 kg, 2 meters) and the scale of actions. The illiterate president of Uganda rarely appeared in public, spending his time in debauchery and watching cartoons. Amin proclaimed himself the most powerful person on earth and declared that he should lead the British Commonwealth, not the queen. For the people, its “sexual order” was more important: men could take any number of wives. The "Big Daddy" himself only officially had 50 children. The repressions are also impressive: more than 500 people were tortured and killed in the country every day.

Bokassa (1966-1979)

Jean-Bedel Bokassa, President, Minister of National Defense, Minister of Information of the Central African Republic. This seemed not enough, and the ruler ascended the throne under the name Emperor Bokassa I. He sought to create a harem: one girl from each country. The emperor of the republic fed the objectionable to crocodiles. And after the overthrow he was accused of cannibalism, arrested, sentenced to death, and then amnestied. However, Bokassa did not rest on this either: he declared himself the thirteenth apostle and traveled around the country until his death. Many believed.

Caribs. Priests

"Papa Doc" (1957-1971)

"The material embodiment of the Haitian nation" François Duvalier came to power democratically - escorting voters to the ballot boxes at gunpoint. Then he proclaimed himself the High Priest of the Voodoo cult and Baron Saturday, the leader not only of the living, but also of the dead. He also wanted the citizens of the country to call him Celestial Rainbow, the Apostle of Unity and the Great Benefactor, but did not care at all that they were full. Behind his back, everyone called him “Papa Doc,” and his 19-year-old son, “Baby Doc,” did not stay in power for long.

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