Three years are waiting

On the occasion of the Freedom Day - the anniversary of the 2004 events in Kyiv, which led to the distillation of the second round of the election of the head of state and Viktor Yushchenko’s victory, the youth organization of the proceeding of our Ukraine promised to deploy the largest flag with an area of ​​1350 square meters in the Ukrainian capital. The president himself gave a ritual interview in which he noted that with every new anniversary of the orange revolution he experiences “more and more strong feelings” and something that was dreamed of 7-8 years ago today is.

I don’t know what Viktor Yushchenko dreamed about 7-8 years ago, when he was the head of the National Bank, and then the prime minister of the country and was considered as the most natural successor of the then President Leonid Kuchma. But three years ago, both the future president, and in particular, had completely different expectations for him.

Firstly, despite the considerable number of voting for Viktor Yanukovych, even in the second second round of the presidential election, for some reason everyone was sure that representatives of the "old government" would quickly and painlessly leave the country's political arena. Yes, in fact, in the camp of the Party of Regions, not at all revenge, Rinat Akhmetov went abroad, Viktor Yanukovych did not show up to people ... Few people imagined that there would be very little time - and Viktor Yushchenko would agree with Viktor Yanukovych about the support of the new government, which was replaced by the office of Yulia Timoshenko. And today, literally the day before the work of the new parliament, no one knows how his deputies will vote.

In this way, by the way, the second disappointment of the past tense - supporters of the "orange" political forces voted for them in the hope of unification, not noticing completely different interests and positions of the leaders of temporarily united groups. But it was precisely this difference that led to the emergence of the "anti -crisis coalition" in the dissolved parliament and can lead to the collapse of the new generalization of Yushchenko and Tymoshenko.

A few years ago, there was a hope for the recovery of the country's judicial system, for the fact that it would not be necessary to “bring” it to the court or look for the one who calls to make the right decision. Today, only the lazy does not speak of the politicization of the judicial system. The district courts intervene in the political life of the country, cancel the decisions of the president and parliament, and allow themselves to comment on the Constitution. And the Constitutional Court is paralyzed and is practically not able to play the role of an arbiter in the struggle around the Basic Law.

The leaders of the Orange Revolution promised their supporters an ambulance European and Euro -Atlantic integration. Even 7-8 years ago, the decision of President Leonid Kuchma to exclude the possibility of joining NATO from the country's military doctrine caused an irritated reaction of the pro-Western part of society. Today, you can enter anything in the doctrines. The theme of NATO became part of the external one as the internal policy - the promise of the referendum to join the Alliance appeared in the election programs, and it is unlikely that the Ukrainian political elite will be able to agree on this issue in the coming years.

The European Union closed the doors on its own initiative, frightened by the consequences of recent expansion. And now Ukrainian diplomats are perplexed: why a response to the goodwill of Viktor Yushchenko, who canceled the visa for Europeans, was the strict demand of Brussels to extend this privilege to Bulgaria and Romania - otherwise the EU refuses to introduce an agreement on the simplification of the visa regime. There is no question of any negotiations implying membership.

Four years ago, when it turned out that the support of Yanukovych Vladimir Putin rather harms the pro -government candidate, the desire to get rid of humiliating dependence on Moscow also looked quite ripened. But after a few months, when the agreement was signed under the ringing of the chimes on the transfer of the Rosukranergo functions of gas supply to Ukraine, it became clear: - this is not dependence on Putin and not on Russian television, but on Russian energy subsidies. And no one is going to get rid of them - after all, preferential pricing is not only the key to the existence of the Ukrainian economy in its current form, but also a source of profit for a large part of the Ukrainian political and entrepreneurial elite.

Here you need a ritual sigh: but in Ukraine there is freedom of speech. Indeed, the state of the Ukrainian television broadcast is incomparable with the Russian one-if something can be comparable to Russian in general. Television political shows, bright discussions, ideological disputes ... But real political agreements are reached away from the air, and the media are used more to explain the next agreement. The television channels belong to the same owners and largely depend on their own political ties, state TV is not popular, the public did not arise-largely due to the resistance of the creation of Viktor Yushchenko, who promised it during the election campaign.

Can this be considered impressive results of the revolution? Yes, if you agree with the obvious truth - there was no revolution. Even the most radical supporters of Viktor Yushchenko advocated primarily for a clear adherence to constitutional procedures. The repeated second round was consecrated by the round table agreements and by the decision of the Supreme Council, the possibility of early parliamentary elections appeared not so much after the dubious presidential decree, but after the refusal of the "orange" deputies from the powers and agreements between the head of state, the Prime Minister and the speaker of the Verkhovna Rada. It is completely natural that the desire to protect their political interests - public or cooking - with formal observance of legislation inevitably leads to drawing into an exhausting struggle, forces compromises and stop at the face behind which a real conflict is visible.

So far, in Ukraine there is no stable power, clearly defined priorities in domestic and foreign policy, influential media and the current civil society. But there is not what is called "lawlessly" in the post -Soviet language. Why - as a result of the events of 2004 or further confrontation of the then winners, is another question. But the desire for the civilized execution of the actions of the authorities, life in the context of the daily proposal of the political alternative and the opportunity, if not participating in someone else's discussion, then at least monitor it is something that Ukraine’s neighbors really can only dream of.