
One of the first significant foreign policy steps by President George Bush in 2001 was a statement of readiness "to ensure Taiwan's safety by all means, including the military, if necessary." Then in power in Taiwan there was a government of a democratic progressive party, and it, of course, enthusiastically perceived this eia. US relations with Beijing were at the lower mark after the incident with an American intelligence aircraft.
Today, seven years later, it seems that it was in some other era. A few days after the victory of the Kuomintans in the elections in the Chinese city of Guyyan, another Chinese-American meeting was held as part of the "strategic dialogue" at the level of the first deputy foreign policy departments. The American side was represented by the most experienced diplomat John Negropent. Answering the questions of the journalists who met him, he noticed that Taiwan would be one of the points of the agenda in the negotiations, because "this is a key question for China." “However,” he continued melancholy, “after March 22, the question seems to be losing its acuity.”
Mr. Negroponta involuntarily turned out to be a wonderful periphrase of the famous formula: "There will be no island - there will be no problem in American -Chinese relations."
At the official press conference, after the end of the “strategic dialogue” of the Negroponta, to the pleasure of his welcoming hosts, he recalled that both President Bush and the Secretary of Hands of Kondoliza Rice were repeatedly called the referendum on March 22 “error” and “provocation”.
Indeed, in recent years, the United States has not been stated in expressions, condemning President Chen Shuyyan, and constantly turn his hands to make him more accurately with communist China.
Such a policy of the American administration in many ways defined the outcome of the recent parliamentary elections in Taiwan. Passionate supporters of independence or, conversely, reunification with China among the Taiwanese, as is usually the case in politics, a minority. Most voters are not guided by ideological motives, but by everyday, pragmatic considerations.
If the United States were preparing for a serious geopolitical confrontation with China (as Bush could be assumed in the early years), then they would consider Taiwan as their giant unsinkable aircraft carrier, it would have been cherished and cherished by the separatist government of Chen Shuybyan - and then his political fate would be completely different. But the Taiwanese see that today the United States relate to the island more like a suitcase without a pen, which is inconvenient to carry and which interferes with an exciting game with the PRC on the Great Chessboard, proposed by Zbignev Brzezinsky in his famous book more than 10 years ago. Its model of the condominium of the United States and Great China, which will together determine the geopolitical structure of the 21st century, then seemed to many to be zsototic and marginal.
When the United States was at the top of its power and influence, there were no reason to make the Chinese fantastic presentations - the inclusion of Taiwan, Japan, Central Asia, Siberia in the sphere of their influence. Today, after the serious failures of the United States, in the atmosphere of a deep split and the internal worldview crisis of the American elite, the concept of Brzezinsky in Washington seems almost a saving exit.
Brzezinsky takes an active part in the current election campaign in the United States, being an indisputable foreign policy guru of the Democratic Party. Perhaps he is still not given the rest of the laurel of his eternal opponent - another aging primonna of American foreign policy - Henry Kissinger, who turned the world's chessboard with his sensational booty to Beijing, who preliminated the meeting of Richard Nixon with Mao Zedong almost forty years ago. The fall of the USSR, by and large, began precisely on this visit.
I don’t know how frankly they discuss their chess part of the parties of the “strategic dialogue”. But they play Taiwan's debut strictly according to the Brzezinsky textbook.
