The chipper voted

The nomination of the Russian presidential candidate Dmitry Medvedev put an end to a multi -month conflict with the search for the successor of the current head of state. Demonstrations of daily exploits of the first deputy prime ministers, attempts to include in the list of possible applicants of the new head of government, the nervous expectation of the Putin’s “third term” - all this is already behind.

Vladimir Putin was honest, like Boris Yeltsin once. In vain we did not believe Boris Nikolaevich when he informed us that Vladimir Vladimirovich would be his successor. And in vain we did not believe Vladimir Vladimirovich when he made us understand that the successor should be sought in a narrow circle of the first deputy prime ministers.

Presidents were simply guided by various motivations. Yeltsin chose a figure convenient for himself and his immediate environment, which fully met the expectations of politicians and entrepreneurs who perceived the successor as a guarantor of family property. Putin knew which groups fight for power in the immediate vicinity of the Kremlin throne.

The appearance next to Dmitry Medvedev, Sergei Ivanov, was not a “trick” - until the very last moment, the revenge of “non -dimensional” and “non -Gazprom forces” in the leadership of Russia was preserved. Although such a revenge would mean a radical change in the status quo that has developed under Yeltsin and would be as disadvantageous and inconvenient as the possible success of the Luzhkov and Primakov group in the elections of the President of Russia in 2000. Then both public and hidden resources of power were abandoned to fight the revengeists. Today there was enough subcover struggle.

The fact that the forces close to Ivan to suffer was clear after Putin’s decision to change the prime minister of the country. It was the appointment of the head of the government Viktor Zubkov that showed that the Putin group itself has no confidence that Sergei Ivanov will become the new head of state. That is why it was decided to make the head of the new cabinet Zubkov, as a guarantor of interests of his own grouping in power during the reign of Putin.

But here, “Putinists” were defeated: they could not fundamentally change the composition of the government and is unlikely to be able to do this after the successor is already indicated: he will have to reckon with him.

The next step, which was supposed to record the Putin positions in power, was the president’s decision to go to the elections as the first number of the United Russia list and turn the vote on the election of State Duma deputies into a referendum on trust in the national leader. But what is interesting: if Putin went to these elections as a leader, even the strongest, but one party, then Medvedev was proposed at once as a presidential candidate at once. So who is the national leader - the leader of the same party or four? Not now, of course, - but already in the near future ...

And now the most interesting will begin. Attempts by officials to understand which of the two presidents will be more influential - leaving or coming? Attempts to swear allegiance to one, without losing the location of the other. Attempts to understand what place in the new system of power will take Putin. And where Ivanov, Sechin and other representatives of the "Negazprom" groups are in power will be.

Naturally, these attempts will be accompanied by a merciless struggle for future power - with incriminating evidence, landings, resignations. And a slow change in the propaganda tissue of the regime. The appearance among recommending parties of "civilian power" is not accidental. Because in patriotism - in the absence of influential "patriotic" parties in the political arena, the elite has already played. Now you need to return to the West, demonstrate a new face of the country - and why in the coming years - in the absence of influential liberal parties in the political arena - not to play liberalism and "democracy in the heart"?