Khreshchatyk without kuchma

Participants in the action "Ukraine without Kuchma" reached the main street of the Ukrainian capital. Now there will be fun here - rallies, demonstrations, a tent camp, clashes of opponents of the regime among themselves: involuntarily, recall the famous student hunger strike of 1990, ended with the resignation of the government Vitaly Masol. But, firstly, it was a hunger strike. Secondly, students did not see the selfish interests of certain political forces. Thirdly, in the party-Soviet leadership of Ukraine, a grouping was then being strengthened, who believed that Masol can be sacrificed in order to stabilize the situation in the republic. Ten years later, former student leaders who turned into successful politicians and businessmen could clearly explain almost all the goals of their sensational action besides one thing: why is Masol still? Most likely, the prime minister was a kind of symbol of the outgoing regime, like Kuchma for the opposition - a symbol of his own rule. But after Masol, the prime minister was no less Soviet Vitold Fokin. And after Fokin? Well, of course, Leonid Kuchma. The circle closed. From the camp of students in Khreshchatyk 1990, we will return to the campaign "Ukraine without Kuchma" in Khreshchatyk 2001.

This action coincided in many ways with the beginning of the session of the Verkhovna Rada. From a tactical point of view, this is correct: it is at the sessions that the main political events in the life of the country take place. It is here that sensational information is announced, the most daring sentences sound. But, on the other hand, the action on Khreshchatyk demonstrated that the Verkhovna Rada is unlikely to be an opposition parliament - rather a parliament on interests. The ranges of the most loud anti -presidential action were the leaders of only those parties to whom, to say, there is nothing to lose, ”the leader of the socialists Alexander Moroz, the deputy leader of the party of Yulia Timoshenchina, Alexander Termchinov, who has unveiled scandalous films and the leaders of the Party“ Coateness ”that had long passed into the opposition. The Communists behaved as usual: at first they tried to hold their protest rally, then joined the general, but even after that their leader Peter Simonenko emphasized that his party was not going to coordinate his actions with the Organizing Committee of the Ukraine without Kuchma. And it is clear why: for the Communists, Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko is an unwanted figure than the president. But the "Fatherland", whose leader had recently entered the government and was considered the closest employee of the prime minister, would be completely dishonorable to advocate for his immediate resignation.

The rest of the dissatisfied with Kuchma preferred parliamentary to the rally rostrum. And this has already manifested the weakness of the opposition. Its participants have completely different goals. It would seem that one can put one in front of yourself - the resignation of the president, and then to figure out each other. But in this case, these would no longer be Ukrainian politicians! They just try to figure it out first, and then fight for the resignation of the president. And, dissatisfied with the fact that the cart set in front of the horse does not go anywhere, at the same time try to agree with the authorities. And therefore, the scandal around the disappearance of George Gongadze and the promotion of the films on which the president and his closest employees spoke about the journalist in unpleasant colors, instead of flashing like a dry brushwood, turns into a protracted sluggish process. The opposition wins on the external front: they reacted very sharply to what was happening in Ukraine both in the PACE and the European Union (although the new president of the United States announced its readiness to develop relations with Ukraine, and Kyiv traditionally listens to Washington much more closely than to European capitals). But the president so far, despite all the power discovered by power and the inability to hold a blow, began to make tactically verified moves. Instead of allowing the deputies of the Prosecutor General Mikhail Potebenko, he sent him to Truskavets. The opposition assures that the prosecutor general simply resigned, and the authorities are satisfied with an unexpected timeout. Who knows what will happen in Ukraine in 45 days?

Photo from the site NTV.ru