Were sent back

“The Oligarchic Hundred” is a separate good story. Its essence is that people from the first hundred of Ukrainian Forbes were asked to take responsibility for the “regions” close to them. Practically - to become sponsors of their regions and take upon themselves not only responsibility, but default. And a number of these people agreed. Thus, Igor Kolomoisky became the governor of Dnepropetrovsk, and Sergei Taruta became the governor of Donetsk. The newly appointed Sergei Taruta made a statement: “I never wanted to work in the state executive branch, but today... I appeal to the Ukrainian authorities with a statement of readiness to head the Regional State Administration of the Donetsk region. My decision is the desire to protect our country, in which the Ukrainian-Ukrainian war is ending, where there are no questions of difference in languages ​​and religion, right and left, where we are all Ukrainians and have the right to a strong and united new Ukraine.”

The news of Kolomoisky’s appointment was received with unexpected enthusiasm, despite the fact that until quite recently the reputation of the oligarch Igor Kolomoisky in the public consciousness differed little from the reputation of the oligarchs Rinat Akhmetov or Viktor Pinchuk. Well, perhaps, for a change, Kolomoisky was a philanthropist of the Jewish community and partly for this reason his appointment was often commented on as a response from the “Jewish Banderaites” to Putin: they say, how else can we prove to you that the new government is not nationalist and not anti-Semitic, that we are not fascists, but pragmatists, that we want to survive and build the economy, that we are not for a split, finally, and that the Jewish oligarch Igor Kolomoisky from now on becomes the guarantor of the unity and stability of the South-East.

And in fact, Dnepropetrovsk is now the calmest and most predictable city in the problematic Ukrainian East.

There are still more questions for Sergei Taruta: it is too early to talk about unity and stability in Donetsk, and Taruta himself has not yet been seen in the city. However, the “new Bankovaya” is now successively changing governors, and in principle, the personnel issue, as usually happens when there is a change of government, has become almost the main one, and new appointments are perceived differently. For example, a “bribe to the Maidan” in the person of an appointee of the “humanitarian sector” of the new government - the Minister of Culture became the “Maidan entertainer”, actor and member of the Svoboda party Yevgeny Nishchuk - was perceived precisely as a bribe. It seems that the “civil sector” did not accept it.

Martial law, if not completely abolished, then at least greatly “curtailed” personnel discussions. Although the unspoken command - “while the war is going on, we will not criticize the government” - is not followed by everyone and not always, the media perspective has changed and Crimea has pushed coalition intrigues on Bankova out of the news feeds. It seems that in the first days, the new Minister of Internal Affairs Arsen Avakov caused the most criticism: for some reason, from him, and precisely from him, the public expected decisive action and an immediate response to the occupiers.

The minister, as befits a minister of a new formation, reported on his actions on Facebook. “I consider it necessary to inform,” he wrote on the second day of the undeclared war. — Groups of Russian military personnel arrived at all military formations of the internal troops. They stated that they had arrived to protect military units “from extremists.” They asked to spend the night and have access to water, a toilet, etc. on the territory of the unit, since “they were hastily sent and do not have normal conditions.” And then the minister formulated a remarkable euphemism of its kind: “They were ''sent'' back.”

However, those “sent back” did not go away, even after official Moscow announced that the units “withdrew to their places of deployment.” The only “positive” that the short experience of this “Crimean war” demonstrates, apparently, is that the parties understand each other well, are not ready to fight seriously, easily enter into negotiations and communicate quite confidentially. Thus, the Russian units that captured the Belbek airfield (Sevastopol) this morning agreed to “joint security of military equipment,” while admitting to their Ukrainian “colleagues” that they had not received an order to retreat.