
The fact that the current Russian government will be engaged in the full -scale revision of the Yeltsin era was clear for a long time. But it remained unclear when exactly the Kremlin would decide to use this, possibly the last resource. If you trace all the serious steps of Kremlin political technologists to maintain the ideas about Vladimir Putin in the Russian people as a fair, honest and effective leader, then two large-scale campaigns should be distinguished. This, of course, is about the Second Chechen War and the fight against the oligarchs.
About Chechen history we can say that the Kremlin worked it “perfectly”. It is appropriate to recall here that the PR effect from the demonstration of Russian military power in the mountains of the Caucasus surpassed the most daring expectations. After all, no one thought that the television picture of the victorious advancement of the Russian army into the Chechen territory, the landscapes of the burning Terrible, the brave relations of military leaders would make such an indelible impression on our citizens that its reserves would be enough to maintain the presidential rating in the swollen state for long months and even years. The calculation that a humiliated nation enthusiastically perceive a successful colonial war was fully justified. However, as you know, all the good ever ends. So the effect of the Second Chechen War eventually came to naught.
With the oligarchs, everything turned out more difficult. In principle, if you promote this campaign to the whole coil - with loud exposure processes, with television reports about searches in the mansions of our magnates (for example, the plot about the operation to seize the Faberge eggs from the bill of money, can be a stunning success of the public. Imagine: the oligarch is running along the corridor, shoots, and invaluable eggs are driving - and invaluable eggs are driving According to a set -in parquet), with a direct report on the landing of paratroopers on the hundred -meter yacht Abramovich, rushing along the waves of the Norwegian fjord, - even the result could surpass even the Chechen war. But here the prosecutors were not allowed to turn around - they were afraid of a large international scandal and outflow of Western investments. For the time being, Khodorkovsky had to be limited for the time being. Our Kremlin chiefs would know that there would still be no investment, the fate of all those who today heads the Russian list of billionaires of the Forbes magazine could have developed. In a word, so far to consider this resource completely worked out clearly prematurely.
So what else is there in a tanning pantry of the current Russian government? What else can she present to the people as evidence of the outstanding abilities and remarkable state wisdom of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. Of course, you can always plant Chubais. But now this is clearly not from hand - he harmoniously fit into the landscape of the current government, has become an important element of its facade democratic decor. It seems that only Boris Yeltsin remains.
It is believed that Vladimir Putin has a habit of keeping his obligations and promises. It is known that at the time of transferring the authorities to him the then important dignitaries, they never took a word from him and under no circumstances to think about the presentation of any claims not that the first president of Russia, but even to any of his family and the immediate environment. It is also obvious that a long stay in the Putin administration of such important figures of the previous reign as Alexander Voloshin and Mikhail Kasyanov is part of that big agreement. Apparently, they had to guarantee compliance with the rest of its points. But life does not stand still. In the end, we do not know how long that contract was calculated. In addition, the Kremlin seemed to be aware that it would come very soon when to extinguish popular anger - we are no longer talking about maintaining the image of power - to distract the people from pressing problems and from the desire to solve these problems on the street only in one way - by initiating a large -scale campaign to debunk the era of Boris Yeltsin.
The “daily magazine” became known that a thick political science project that provides for a number of measures is already walking around the high Kremlin cabinets, to convince Russian citizens that the current government is finally and irrevocably with the Yeltsin past. It is designed for many months and includes a certain set of consistent actions of both a purely propaganda nature - a campaign in the press - and power - in relation to the highest officials of that time. According to some reports, the list of possible candidates for the role of sacrificial lambs seems to mention the son -in -law and daughter of Boris Yeltsin, Valentin Yumashev and Tatyana Dyachenko.
There is no doubt that such a campaign would have a dizzying success among Russian inhabitants. The only question is whether Vladimir Putin really decides to use this resource.