Translated material
State farm "Elite"
The Constitution of the Russian Federation is a very uneven text. How brightly and imaginatively, with what artistic power, some of her articles are written! For example, article 3, in which readers are introduced to the epic hero - “the multinational people of the Russian Federation.” This character can handle any great deeds. The people exercise their power directly, as well as through government bodies, and hold referendums and free elections of their own free will. He calls himself “the bearer of sovereignty and the only source of power,” and threatens those who dare to encroach on his powers with prosecution under the law. Why is the Constitution deprived of the status of a musical and poetic work, which is officially assigned to the anthem?
The majestic melodic declamation is spoiled by Article 13, which is prosaic and boring. “No ideology can be established as state or mandatory” [1] , its second paragraph prescribes. “Cannot install” is utilitarian language in plumbing installation instructions. The most amazing thing is that for twelve years no one has managed to break this article of the law. Or is it all about the unlucky number? The state tried to introduce some kind of national idea, but rather sluggishly and unsuccessfully. What was bad, for example, about Eurasianism in Alexander Dugin’s arrangement? “The ancient call of the continent”, “the voice of the ancestors”, “the traditions of the great Slavic-Turkic alliance that gave birth to the greatest land empire.” And about the President - sternly, without flattery: “an archetype”, “a clot of historical power”, “a hologram of mind and will”.
The book was published to the delight of its subjects - alas, not of our empire, but of the neighboring Khanate. On the cover, decorated with a modest golden statue, the title is: “The Eurasian Mission of Nursultan Nazarbayev” [2] . “Planetary mission,” the author corrects himself. The translator of the ancient call explains the fatal underestimation of Eurasianism in Russia by the “historical idiocy of the elites” [3] .
The elite is a collective employer distributing ideological government orders. The loyal, productive political worker Alexander Dugin somehow did not please her - and found himself in the position of a wandering akyn. The elite is a demanding and even capricious lady; for her, no one is irreplaceable.
But the term “elite” itself has recently become indispensable and ubiquitous. The language of a constitutional epic is not suitable for describing the political situation; the style of a crime chronicle is not always convenient. After decades of vegetating in rural farmsteads, the term “elite” made a brilliant political career. Its collective farm, state farm, zootechnical past has been forgotten by everyone. Vague associations with something refined and sublime also faded into the background. When opening the book “Anatomy of the Russian Elite” [4] , the reader will not look for X-rays of Maya Plisetskaya. Today, the main and generally understood interpretation of the word “elite” is the ruling class. The topic is popular: the book by Olga Kryshtanovskaya, head of the elite studies sector at the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, sold a huge circulation of 10,000 copies for a scientific work. The literature published by the elite itself for its internal needs also deserves attention. For example, the textbook “Psychology of professional activity of a civil servant”, published by the Siberian Academy of Civil Service, a branch of the Civil Civil Service under the President of the Russian Federation. In the chapter “Image of a civil servant” we read:
“In the physical appearance of a civil servant, the most important element is his face. With the help of the face, such a type of influence as visual communication is carried out" [5] .
A skeptic may object that with the help of their faces, officials primarily perform the functions of grasping and chewing food, and not communicative ones at all. And Gogol’s mayor, instead of the faces of civil servants, saw something zoomorphic. But that was a long time ago, since then the service-state sciences, imageology and elitology, have made great breakthroughs.
Who exactly is part of the elite, where are its boundaries and who draws them? In this matter, the opinion of the guard at the barrier at the entrance to the protected area may be more significant than any monograph. Although the person in the booth has hardly studied the works of the creators of the theory of elites - Vilfredo Pareto and Gaetano Mosca, and pronounces the cherished word itself with “s”. Academic discussions around the term continue, but it itself has long been rooted in the information environment on both sides of the barrier. You can smile when you see the “Elite Salon” sign on the façade of a shabby hair salon. But a three-meter fence at the far approaches to the front entrance of an elite house will convince any skeptic of the reality of the concept. “Elite home” is not just a nice expression. This is a strict term used by realtors, a serious audience not at all inclined to romance and empty fantasies. A fenced area is one of the mandatory attributes of an elite home. Eliteness is not only a matter of comfort and prestige: the population of an ordinary high-rise building is involuntarily included in the life cycle of the inhabitants of an elite village located in a water protection zone. The water in the river flowing past the elite point “A” enters the settlement of category “B” in the form of a secondary product. We have already drunk this water once.
“Where does Ksenia Sobchak get her elite numbers?” News headlines invite people to be outraged that the scoundrel Ksyusha has arrogated to herself one of the privileges of a member of the Federation Council. And anyway, where does she get luxury cars and other luxury? How expedient the privileges themselves are, how the Federation Council is formed and why the lifestyle of government officials does not correspond much to their official income - there was not enough space for these questions in the news feed. The average person, pushed to the sidelines by a motorcade with flashing lights, will grumble a little, but will behave quietly. He is used to these procedures and understands what “elite numbers” are. And there is also elite medicine, and here the price of the issue is years of life. For yours personally: the budget of the privileged healthcare system, which belongs to the department of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation, is replenished by taxpayers and patients of district clinics. Those who are commonly called “the population”. In political usage this word is not as neutral as in demography. It has a pejorative connotation, as it refers to the object of influence, the passive and unprivileged majority (synonyms: “electorate”, “masses”). “Population” and “elite” are antipodes of the political process. A few years ago, voices were still heard who objected to calling the Russian privileged class “elite”: it was too noble for this public. Gradually the protests died down, the word became familiar and almost official. The connotation of nobility has faded over time, as in the old address “Your Honor.” The inevitable price for prevalence was devaluation, a decrease in value. But this word acquired the accuracy of an address - if not for postal messages, then for political messages.
“If we fail to consolidate the elites, Russia may disappear as a single state. Entire empires were wiped off the map when their elites lost their unifying idea and entered into mortal combat. Consolidation of the Russian elite is possible only on one platform - to maintain effective statehood within existing borders. All other ideologemes are secondary.”
The interview of Dmitry Medvedev [6] (then the head of the Russian Presidential Administration) to Expert magazine at one time caused a great resonance. It was widely commented on - but only in the context of current politics, as a reaction to the threat of the Orange Revolution. Its conceptual meaning has been underestimated.
Yes, here it is, the long-awaited ideology, before us. Highly approved: after all, the young man Medvedev does not pronounce all these postulates, definitions and directives on his own behalf. One hundred percent state, although not national: an equal sign is placed between the concept of statehood and the elite. Clearly stated: the idea of elite consolidation is primary, everything else is a secondary product.
What ideologies are heard by the public? National, historical-religious, military-patriotic. It is not easy to construct a single national mythology; the Moscow and Kazan authorities may have different views on the Battle of Kulikovo. Therefore, the federal elite reminds the regional elite of the secondary nature of the national-patriotic entourage in relation to the real interests of the ruling class, from the point of view of which the existing statehood really turns out to be effective. Historiosophical passages reinforce the ideology:
“The history of Russia shows that the legal transfer of power itself has almost always been difficult. In tsarist times it was based on blood kinship, in Soviet times it was based on decisions of the elite, legendary under acts of the people’s will” [7] .
The term “elite” is used retrospectively and as generally as possible. It is readily admitted that no expression of the people's will existed in Soviet times. In the context of a document justifying the abolition of gubernatorial elections, this sounds like an appeal to historical precedent. The decisions of the elite are not formalized in the form of acts of popular will and are not even disguised as them - they are “legendized.” This specific term is borrowed from the vocabulary of intelligence officers. A scout has to become legendary in enemy territory, in a deadly environment. There is no Soviet power, but the threat to the elite has not disappeared: this is the “subconscious collectivism of the Russian people” [8] , disrespect for the rights of private and state property. Those who have something to lose must unite to keep the collective subconscious monster in check.
“If you relax and surrender to the will of the waves, the consequences will be monstrous. The collapse of the Union may seem like a kindergarten party compared to the state collapse in modern Russia” [9] .
One statement, even programmatic and authoritative, cannot be considered a sign of the approval of state ideology. Ideology is a systemic thing. It does not appear suddenly and out of nowhere; it must have roots, a scientific base, and an infrastructure for reproduction and distribution. This is not emergency VIP service according to the Dugin-Tsereteli method: screw the customer’s head onto a standard blank. With a change of ruler, a serious ideological project is only modified, but its basic postulates remain unchanged. Repetition, stereotyping of the main theses, consistency in public statements by officials - these are the signs of a solid project. Are there texts similar to Medvedev’s speech?
It turns out that the genre of introductory articles in the central press has not died out at all. Only the main podium has changed: now it is not Pravda, but Rossiyskaya Gazeta. The symbols are also different: instead of a collection of Soviet orders, the logo of the state printing authority has a double-headed eagle. And the ideological cadres are the same, tested many times. Vitaly Tretyakov is an experienced political worker, a former employee of the Main Editorial Board of Counter-Propaganda of the APN, who subsequently held the positions of editor-in-chief of Nezavisimaya Gazeta, member of the Board of Directors of Channel One (2001–2003), and general director of CJSC Independent Publishing Group. This prominent figure, a professor at the Faculty of International Journalism at MGIMO, is a member of the Presidium of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy (SVOP). He has been entrusted with a difficult task, a responsible area - to argue for the omnipotence of the elite, to justify the actual abolition of regional elections:
“Most modern developed democracies are, firstly, representative (the population votes, and presidents and parliamentarians elected by them rule on their behalf), and secondly, elitist. That is, the people's representatives are people's representatives only by the formal source that gave them power, but not by their composition or origin. In terms of their composition, these are representatives of the elite.
Many Russian political scientists see the bad qualities of the Russian elite as the primary source of all the ills of our democracy. <…>
But today, as was said in other times and on other occasions, we do not have another political class. And you need to work with him not only with a prosecutor’s stick and an administrative carrot, but also ideologically. Simply put, it is necessary not so much to force him to consolidation, but to infect him with the conviction of its necessity and beneficialness.”
The huge article “Putin’s choice as Russia’s choice” [10] barely fit into two issues. We see that the cancellation of regional elections was carefully prepared not only politically, but also theoretically. Discussions about “elitist” democracy can be considered anything but a spontaneous reaction to the Beslan massacre. The public is calmly and persistently told: everywhere in the world the elite rules, democratic elections are a formality. Imbue yourself with the complexity of ideological work: calling the new system “elite” is not suitable - the word is too hijacked, including by advertising dubious services. The telephone numbers of “elite girls” are displayed in any newspaper with free advertisements. Direct associations with residents of elite villages are also useless. “Elite” smacks of undisguised arrogance. The inarticulateness of the “elitist” contains a wise, some kind of Chernomyrdin-style tongue-tiedness. And promising young people will learn to pronounce difficult words. The older generation managed to master “empirio-criticism”! The desire for a calm, prosperous life in exchange for loyalty is the best speech therapist.
“Elitist” democracy is a stable term. It is used in an official speech by another important person, Vadim Tyulpanov, secretary of the political council of the St. Petersburg regional branch of the United Russia party:
“The State Duma and the Federation Council are government bodies where professional politicians, that is, the elite, work. There is nothing wrong with this, since, for example, most modern developed democracies are elitist. Many political scientists even see in the formation of a national elite a way to restore the unity of our country on the basis of a common ideology and strategic interests... People's representatives are people's representatives only according to a formal source...” [11]
The state patiently and quite clearly, through the mouths of serious trusted representatives, explains the foundations of the new social structure of Russia. But all these passages openly contradict the foundations of the constitutional system of the Russian Federation! Has the 1993 Constitution already been abolished along with the non-working day on December 12? - No, the state has long known other methods of refusing its own obligations. Documents that have become inconvenient do not necessarily have to be canceled if this threatens an unnecessary scandal. Nobody canceled the CPSU program, which promised citizens free apartments by 1980. It’s just that in the mid-70s, the population was offered a different topic for “national discussion”: a new Constitution, which was successfully adopted in 1977. Today its famous 6th article would read like this: “The elite is the guiding and guiding force of Russian society, the core of its political system.”
The developed ideological apparatus provides for the division of labor. Where do speechwriters write out unpronounceable but solid ideological formulations? Pareto and Mosca in elitist ideology occupied the usual niche of the former classics, Marx and Engels. The authorities use a vague resemblance to their terminology, but rarely have anyone read the works of the founders. Modern studies of elites are published in abundance, but not all of them are suitable for citing by superiors. Take for example the same “Anatomy of the Russian Elite”. Olga Kryshtanovskaya is an unkind doctor. “Clans”, “privileges of the nomenklatura”, even “mafia” - these are the unpleasant diagnoses she makes for the rapidly developing organism of the Russian elite. Closely, without any delicacy, examining the recent history of nomenklatura privatization, Kryshtanovskaya simply cuts to the quick, without discerning who is in front of her: current prisoners, emigrants, pillars of business, victims of killers or current leaders of the state. And the conclusion suggests itself: the more grasping and gluttonous ones ate those who were gape. Now the winners need a break to calmly digest the spoils. The meaning, in general, is the same as in the messages of the federal elite voiced by Medvedev, Tretyakov and Tyulpanov, only the details of consolidation do not look very decent. And it is difficult for the average person to understand: why on earth should he sacrifice the remnants of voting rights in favor of this toothy public? After all, the purpose of elitist speeches is to justify the actual abolition of general elections. Medvedev doesn’t even have such a word - elections. Instead, there is “the tradition of transferring power legally on the basis of real democracy.”
“Elitology is a metascience.” This is how MGIMO specialists recommend their field of knowledge. Through their efforts, it has been raised “to the level of the existential foundations of the universe,” we read on the website of this educational institution [12] . Unfortunately, the book “Theoretical Foundations of Educational Elitology” [13] published by MGIMO cannot be found on the Internet, and its circulation is only 500 copies. But it was in it that the concept of “elitist model” was used back in 1998. Is it not from here that it, in a slightly modified form, migrated to state ideological developments? Here you can also find quotes justifying the limitations of the institution of electoral democracy:
“In practice, there are only two forms of selection: indirect appointment (delegation) and direct appointment. Inclusion in the ruling elite itself should be considered as an action that occurs outside the official selection mechanism. Selection from above presupposes the correspondence of the candidate’s qualities to a set of ideas already dominant in the ruling elite” [13] .
About existential foundations is not an exaggeration at all. The metascience of elitology is presented by the authors in the existential language of basic instincts:
“Why does the majority of humanity consider themselves “mere mortals”, but in their intimate lives they dream of being Napoleons? The answer is simple - “we are all chosen, but not equally chosen”... The ancient warrior strived to be the best in battle, Don Juan - the best in bed, and the modern Einsteins - the very best in science... The perpetual motion machine of humanity is his desire to become more perfect than he was before. The monkey would never have gotten off the branch and rushed along the path of anthropogenesis if not for the desire to stand out among the lions and mosquitoes" [15] .
It's like a retelling of George Orwell's “Animal farm”: “Some animals are more equal than others.” And the main character of Orwell's book is named Napoleon. The boar, Comrade Napoleon, the happy father of numerous offspring, was extremely successful in his intimate life. The ideology, the all-conquering teaching of animalism, was also at its best: the political worker Comrade was responsible for this area. Squealer [16] .
Unraveling the driving force of anthropogenesis is an epoch-making breakthrough in the field of evolutionary biology. We have also preserved breakthroughs in the field of grammar and spelling. We would not find fault with errors and typos (this is how the entire text of the book is typed), if not for one terrible assumption. What if the elitist-elitist ideologeme, propagated at a high state level, is simply the fruit of the negligence of referents copying each other’s texts along with errors?
Elitology is not just a science. And not even metascience. It arose in ancient times as a repository of secret knowledge. It was both the perfect knowledge of the initiates (the elite) and the knowledge of the elite itself. Hagiography and hagiology, hermeneutics, eugenics and the ethics of perfection are only auxiliary elitological disciplines. It was Russia in the 90s of the twentieth century that became the birthplace of elitology itself - but among their predecessors, domestic guardians of sacred knowledge include Plato, Nietzsche, Ortega y Gasset. This is what it says in the monograph by P. L. Karabuschenko “Anthropological Elitology” [17] . The thesis “Elitism is a condition for the effective functioning of any society” is unusually similar to Medvedev’s effective statehood of the elite. More precisely, on the contrary. Karabuschenko’s work was published in 1999, still under Yeltsin. Elitism is serious and long-term, like real socialism. “Anthropological Elitology” is simply a treasure trove for speechwriters. They will pass this book on to their heirs:
“The elite is the most valuable element of the social system, focused on satisfying its most important needs... The relationship between the elite and the masses is not so much in the nature of political or social domination, but rather of leadership, implying managerial influence based on the consent and voluntary obedience of the governed and the authority of those in power” [ 18] .
Here is an incomplete list of the properties of the elite: “wisdom”, “holiness”, “ideal”, “perfection”, “superiority”, “responsibility”, “morality”, “chosenness”, “relevance”, “authority”, “privileges”, “psychological distance”, “elite consciousness” and even “elite knowledge”, or “esotericism”.
The right to vote in public administration cannot be equal and universal:
“The ordinary person” is a subject of the masses, this is a mass type of individual anthropogenesis...”
“It is clear that the opinion of an ordinary person must be taken into account, but should it be taken into account so much as to put it at the forefront? ...From the point of view of elitology, ...only the opinions of those who have achieved the greatest perfection in their spiritual development of minds can serve as guidelines” [19] .
In philosophical-elitist developments there are still shy reservations: there is an ideal elite, and there is a really existing one. The referents of the big bosses, who mold an ideological product from minced manuals and small-circulation monographs, omit all the reservations. Important people, reading the creative work of their own referents, begin to believe it. After all, you really want to look wise, holy, chosen and perfect. And since no one around is laughing, maybe all this is true?
An important milestone on the triumphal path of elitist ideology was the scientific and practical conference “The Russian Elite, Its Groups, Goals and Objectives,” held in October 2001 in Moscow, at the St. Daniel Monastery [20] . It was carried out with the participation of reputable organizations: the Moscow Patriarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church, the State Duma, the Federation Council, the National Stock Association, the Russian Economic Academy. Plekhanov, Academy of Military Sciences of the Russian Federation, Russian Cultural Foundation, Russian State Library, Moscow State University.
“The elite is the highest, privileged strata that carry out the functions of management, development of science and culture in society. The main weapon of the elite is the state,” declared S. Yu. Rybas, the organizer of the conference, in his report. The speaker announced that the previous historical period had ended and the elite were facing new tasks:
“The Soviet elite completed its history by transferring power to the new generation of nomenklatura groups nurtured within it... One type of elite was replaced by another, bringing new laws and a new worldview to society.”
This worldview is built on the foundation of the ideas of the classic of yet another all-conquering teaching. The name Vilfredo Pareto sounds. The effectiveness of Pareto’s laws is confirmed by the behavior of the population: “According to expert estimates, 90% of the population are passive and adapt to other people’s desires. About 10% have the desire and will to realize their desires. And only one percent has the ability to resist pressure, understands where to move and has the ability to lead the rest. Only one percent! And the fate of the country depends on this small value” [21] .
Metropolitan Kirill is somewhat at odds with S.Yu. Rybas in the quantitative assessment of the second category, but shares his relativistic approach to specific forms of government:
“Scientists say that 20 percent of people are potentially capable of becoming an elite under any political system, under any social formation.” At the top, under any regime, are “the most gifted individuals who lead other people” [22] .
F. D. Bobkov, former head of the Fifth (ideological) Directorate of the KGB of the USSR, places special emphasis on the natural, biological aspects of the problem. Citing his definition of the elite (“the best representatives of some part of society, group, etc.”), he recalls the original selection and genetic meaning of the term (“the best plants, seeds or animals, the most suitable for breeding and reproduction in terms of their qualities”). . The theory of “living matter” is mentioned [23] .
Among the participants are M. P. Nenashev, a former member of the CPSU Central Committee, deputy head of the propaganda department of the CPSU Central Committee (1975–1978), and V. T. Tretyakov, the list of whose positions is given above. But the scientists who calculated the percentage rate of the elite remained, unfortunately, unnamed.
...Austere 60s design, yellowed, tattered pages. Forty years of intensive note-taking is not an easy test for a library book. Its author is Gennady Ashin:
“Most people have an instinctive need for submission, while a minority have an innate desire for dominance. These impulses determine whether an individual belongs to the elite or the masses... Out of a thousand individuals, on average, no more than ten are capable of creative initiative” [24] .
Do you recognize monastery statistics? The book “The Myth of the Elite and “Mass Society”” was decades ahead of its time. The terms “elite”, “charisma”, “manager” that have become familiar today were a novelty for the Soviet reader, and the retelling of the hypotheses of Western authors was a revelation. Even the publisher’s annotation was striking in its boldness:
““There can be no equality in the world. There are people called to lead and people called to obey. There is an elite and a passive crowd,” this is, in brief, the essence of the theories that have now become an integral part of bourgeois ideology.”
Elitist views on the role of the masses in the political process, contrary to the generally accepted people-loving rhetoric of that time, are expressed quite freely. The censorship, usually so sensitive to “uncontrollable associations,” showed surprising blindness. There is no need to guess with whom any Komsomol activist associated himself, with the elite or the passive crowd. The epithet “bourgeois” looked more like a sign of quality than a shameful stigma, and the inevitable share of agitprop idle talk only set off the novelty of the ideas of elitism. Against the backdrop of the brilliant aphorisms of Jose Ortega y Gasset, excerpts from Brezhnev’s speeches looked especially wretched. An abundance of quotes, an intelligent presentation of “bourgeois” theories, a good bibliography - who said that the theory of elites came to Russia recently? Perhaps the most advanced part of the nomenklatura adopted the ideas of elitism much earlier than is commonly believed.
On the eve of perestroika, Gennady Ashin published the book “Modern Theories of the Elite” [25] . It says: “In order to avoid “revolutionary anarchy”, it would be better for the masses themselves to leave such a complicated area of politics to the “competent elite”” [26] . The elite is defined as the most active part of society, the only real subject of history. The masses need to be controlled, and this mission is entrusted to the privileged elite of society. Of course, the author was only expounding “bourgeois” theories - as always, in detail and conscientiously. Quotes from Chernenko’s speeches were intended to refute the ideas of Western intellectuals.
Twenty years later, all the same theses are “voiced” by employees of the presidential administration without any reference to sources, as the “primary ideologeme” of the Russian state. The new ideology is triumphantly marching across the Russian expanses: regional bureaucrats did not want to lag behind life and also included themselves in the elite. Elitist phraseology, the property of a narrow circle of readers of José Ortega, was enthusiastically received by the audience of the series about José Antonio. The thin stream of essays on elitology turned into a stormy stream. Academic dryness and simply spelling correctness have long ceased to be indispensable features of elitological publications. The style of many of them is closer to urban folklore. The vocabulary of elitist ideology closely resembles Marxism-Leninism turned inside out. “The main question of elitology”, “egalitarian remnants”... The logic of the black mass: adepts of magic cast the same spells, only backwards.
Let the experts determine where serious elitology ends and where funny elitology begins. A non-specialist probably has no idea how much pleasure reading such literature can bring. I was especially pleased with this:
“The simple popularization of elitological knowledge can already at the initial stage play a big role in the process of awakening the elitizing elements of the formation of an elite figure” [27] .
Does everyone know that civil servants have their own special commandments? There are not ten of them, as in the Bible, and not seven, like the heroes of “Animal Farm”, but only six. The second commandment reads:
“If you can’t do something yourself, then you can always find a way to do it with someone else’s hands. There is a legend that in the 6th century. BC e. The warriors of A. the Great approached the Valley of Diamonds, near Golconda. But the treasured place was guarded by poisonous snakes, and it was impossible to go down there. Then the commander ordered pieces of fatty meat to be thrown down - the diamonds stuck to them, and the tamed eagles, flying down, grabbed them and laid them at the feet of the king of Macedonia" [28] .
Rummaging through the treasury of Russian elitological thought, I discovered another diamond lost in it. This is the brochure “State Farm “Elite” - a highly profitable farm” [29] , published in 1958. The millionaire state farm had something to be proud of: it not only supplied the Omsk region with scarce pork, but also exhibited its exhibits at the All-Russian Agricultural Exhibition, the predecessor of VDNH-VVTs. Painstaking work on the image of elite exhibits began long before their removal to the capital. A special contingent of the “Elite” was already separated from the main pig population from early childhood. The pupils were kept in a special, improved barn with a separate walking yard. The richest special food kitchen was ready around the clock to satisfy the continuously increasing needs of the special contingent. “Unlimited feeding mode” was the name of the Elite’s know-how.
And after intensive fattening - a long, happy life in the monumental Pig Breeding Pavilion. Its main entrance on both sides is decorated with bas-relief portraits of representatives of the elite - portly, imposing, even majestic. In Soviet times, only leaders were depicted with such reverence. Our elite is no worse than “A. Macedonian" and Napoleon. Comrade Napoleon.
[1] Constitution of the Russian Federation (as amended by Decrees of the President of the Russian Federation dated 01/09/1996 No. 20, dated 02/10/1996 No. 173, dated 06/09/2001 No. 679, dated 07/25/2003 No. 841, Federal Constitutional Law dated 03/25/2004 No. 1-FKZ).
[2] Dugin A.G. Eurasian mission of Nursultan Nazarbayev. M., 2004.
[3] Dugin A. G. Speech by the leader of the International “Eurasian Movement” A. G. Dugin at the plenary meeting of the international forum “Eurasian integration: trends in modern development and challenges of globalization” [ http://www.evrazia.org/modules.php ?name=News&file=article&sid=1816] .
[4] Kryshtanovskaya O. Anatomy of the Russian elite. M.: Zakharov, 2005.
[5] Psychology of professional activity of a civil servant: Textbook. allowance Ros. acad. state services under the President of Russia. Federation. Sib. acad. state services (SibAGS) / L.K. Averchenko et al. 2nd ed., revised. and additional Novosibirsk: SibAGS, 2003. P. 27.
[6] Medvedev D. Preserve an effective state within existing borders // Expert. 04/04/2005 [ http://www.kreml.org/media/83120499] .
[7] Ibid.
[8] Medvedev D. Decree. op.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Tretyakov V. Putin’s choice as Russia’s choice // Rossiyskaya Gazeta. 09/16/2004, 09/17/2004 [ http://www.rg.ru/2004/09/17/tretjakov.html] .
[11] http://edinros.spb.ru/news.php3?news=233 (website of the St. Petersburg regional branch of the United Russia party).
[12] http://www.mgimo.ru/kf/docs/discussion_ashin.htm
[13] Theoretical foundations of elitology of education: Monograph / Ashin G.K., Berezhnova L.N., Karabuschenko P.L., Rezakov R.G. Mosk. open social University, Moscow. state int. intern. relations Ross. Federation. M., 1998.
[14] Ibid. P. 217.
[15] Ibid. P. 9.
[16] George Orwell. Animal Farm / Per. I. Polotsk.
[17] Karabuschenko P. L. Anthropological elitology / M-vo obshch. and prof. education Ros. Federation. Moscow open social univ. Astrakh. Phil. M., 1999 [ http://lib.politeducation.ru/article.php?id=049 ; http://politlib.narod.ru/library-k.htm] .
[18] Ibid.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Russian elite, its groups, goals and objectives: Scientific and practical conference of the Russian Biographical Institute (October 1, 2001, Moscow, St. Daniel’s Monastery) // Personnel Policy. 2001. No. 2 [ http://www.whoiswho.ru/kadr_politika/22001/] .
[21] Rybas S.Yu. Russian elites have approached the most important milestone” // Russian elite, its groups...
[22] Kirill, Metropolitan of Smolensk and Kaliningrad. From the social elite to the aristocracy of the spirit // Ibid.
[23] Bobkov F.D. On the education and saving of the elite // Russian elite, its groups...
[24] Ashin G.K. The myth of the elite and “mass society”. M.: International. relations, 1966. P. 31.
[25] Ashin G.K. Modern theories of the elite: a critical essay. M.: International. relations, 1985.
[26] Ibid. pp. 5–6.
[27] Ashin G.K., Berezhnova L.N., Karabuschenko P.L., Rezakov R.G. Theoretical foundations of elitology of education. M.: MOSU, 1998. P. 391.
[28] Psychology of professional activity... P. 176. The legend of diamonds, fatty meat and a smart commander is extremely popular. It is found, for example, in V. Sheinov’s book “Hidden Human Control (Psychology of Manipulation)” (M.: AST, 2006. See also earlier editions and online publication [ http://eusi.narod.ru/lib/ sheinov/6.2.html] ). It is also found in the anonymous “Rules for Winners”, based on the psycho-cybernetics of M. Moltz [ http://alliance.euromb.com/src/aims.pdf] . In the last two sources the name of the ancient king is given correctly: Alexander the Great (“A. Macedonian” looks as strange as “P. the Great” or “N. Palkin”), the time of his reign (IV century BC) too stated correctly. Otherwise, the text of the legend in all three publications coincides verbatim.
[29] Shutov A.K. State farm “Elite” is a highly profitable farm. Omsk, 1958.