On Tuesday, two out of 16 candidates — Yury Babak, a nominee from the Cities of Russia party, and Alexander Romanovich, a Socialist-Revolutionary — refused to participate in the elections, while Babak finally called, “casting aside ambitions and differences,” to vote for Shoigu’s nominee Oleg Shakhov.
According to VTsIOM polls, four were in the lead by the end of the race. Power candidate Oleg Shakhov (45%), former head of Rosprirodnadzor Oleg Mitvol and leader of the movement in defense of the Khimki forest Yevgenia Chirikova (20% each), as well as former deputy former head of Khimki Igor Belousov (17%) who went over to the opposition. But on Wednesday, Belousov also appeared. This means that his interest will go to someone from the top three.
The rest of the candidates, numerous and strange - like the rocker Pauk and the nominee from the Smart Russia party - did not get more than 5%. The "new" spoke with real candidates for the post of head to find out their plans for power.
The campaign headquarters is located in the Arena Khimki, but you can get inside only by passing the gate with electronic blocking and the guard post. It's quiet inside. There is a constant video broadcast from Shakhov's five reception rooms scattered around the city. The same broadcast is being conducted from the solid waste landfill - a huge landfill that was supposed to be closed under Strelchenko, but, contrary to the decision of the courts, continued to work. According to investigators, it was because of the protest against the landfill that so far unknown customers from the top of the Khimki administration decided to kill Khimki activist Konstantin Fetisov. And now Shakhov shows the city that the landfill is closed, trucks go there not with garbage, but with earth.
Openness is a new trend of the Khimki administration.
Oleg Shakhov himself - educated, friendly, with a competent and easy speech - also compares favorably with the former military Strelchenko. The choice of Shakhov's candidacy shows how seriously Shoigu assesses the situation in the city. More precisely, the importance of the successful completion of the multibillion-dollar project of the Moscow-St. Petersburg route. Shakhov accompanies the project from the very beginning. As the head of "Roads of Russia", he acted as a customer, then headed the "GiprodorNII", which designed the route ... Moreover, it was he who was the ideologist of toll roads in Russia in general.
According to Shakhov, the first tasks assigned to him by the governor were preparations for September 1 (in Khimki it is also City Day), preparations for winter, and the completion of road construction.
“Sergei Kuzhugetovich watched for some time how I cope with short-term tasks,” says Oleg Shakhov. - After that, this decision was made ... I asked if he would support me. I clearly know that it is very difficult to work as the head of the district without understanding with the regional authorities. If he was against it, I definitely wouldn't go. But he wasn't in favor either. He said try.
Oleg Shakhov says: “We did not discuss the track separately. This is a federal project, and it is almost built - about 35-40% of the work has been completed. All the necessary communications have already been connected to the territory, the construction itself will not take much time - the equipment, the people are already there. Until the end of the 13th, well, by the 14th year it will be built.
It is the accompanying activities of Shakhov along the Moscow-St. Petersburg highway that raises most of the questions. Lawyers friendly to the defenders of the Khimki Forest dug up the SZKK concessionaire's Prospectus of Securities, where the free Leningradka was called a "competing road" that could reduce profits. And in the event of "an increase in the maximum capacity of the federal highway M-10" Russia "by more than 10%," Russia will have to compensate for the losses to depositors. The SZKK concessionaire is a company without a history, divided between a French company and Rotenberg according to a complex scheme. Shakhov was the secretary of the commission that chose the concessionaire. A natural question arises: how much will the people of Khimki want a mayor who has stalled the development of roads in the region?
Shakhov replies that this document is no longer relevant.
- After the decision on minimum income guarantees was made, what you are talking about has lost its relevance. Today, the investor does not care who will build and expand what.
However, Mr. Shakhov notes that he did not participate at the stage of concluding the concession agreement and will not say much about SZKK.
As soon as he became acting, Shakhov expressed unconditional support for the former mayor Strelchenko. But since then he has become more careful.
- I have been living here for more than 10 years in Kurkino - this is the former Khimki. I don't know the city from the front. And over the past 10 years, the city has become more comfortable, the roads have become better. But if you look behind this facade, there are a lot of problems! All candidates talk about these problems. This is infill development and, in general, the construction of commercial housing, which must be stopped until the infrastructure is built. We need to build social housing: now the queue has been standing since 1986. Kindergartens are a huge problem, a big problem is healthcare... There are also traffic jams, ecology, sports, uncontrolled migration...
To a reasonable remark that almost all areas are listed, Shakhov objects: “Maybe it was even worse before Strelchenko?” The program of the nominee Shoigu (with the exception of, of course, the forest theme) is very similar to the program of Evgenia Chirikova, published a little earlier. But according to Shakhov, "all candidates talk about it, the problems are obvious."
Shakhov also promises “if not a reduction, then not an increase in tariffs,” which, knowing the history of Khimki, is revolutionary *. According to Shakhov, he held talks with “a number of organizations,” and “there are many questions” for them. “But I don’t want to slash off my shoulder. I haven't measured 7 times yet. Evolution, not revolution."
However, in many respects the reason is in himchans. “In our country, the authorities should minimally participate in this, everything should be decided by the residents. As soon as you talk to management companies, screams immediately begin that you are a nightmare for business. And the residents, instead of sorting it out themselves, also make claims to the authorities. There needs to be some enlightenment on this…”
To the post of Navalny about his activities as deputy governor of the Tula region for housing and communal services (the management of the houses was transferred to the companies created by the administration), he replies that he did not read the post, but rather reads “Tolstoy or Bulgakov”. However, he soon begins to pour quotes. Conclusion: “There was a court that recognized all enterprises as legal. And in the post, such a phrase was written: “This could not have happened without the knowledge of the deputy governor.” And if a tsunami, a volcanic eruption? Mr. Shakhov could not help but know, and you can also write, is he to blame?
He promises to update the team - while all the deputies of Strelchenko are in place, including those interrogated for the assassination attempts on Beketov and Fetisov. He promises to hold an open competition, but “everything is necessary. Not a revolution, but a careful analysis.”
Finally, he talks about education - only officially three diplomas (there is information on the net about nine higher educations of Shakhov). And smiling, he gives out the main trump card: “Metro. And we will build a metro - I have already negotiated with the Ministry of Transport - to Khimki, then to Zelenograd.
Right from the interview, Shakhov goes to participate in a friendly football match. Busy outside the office. A fat man in a suit takes away a burgundy tie from the secretary: “You can’t be entrusted with anything. Edik, throw it in the car!” Thin, with prickly eyes, in a singsong voice into the telephone receiver: “What are you doing, b ...? Animal, b ... ". He sees me and goes outside. The secretary smiles apologetically.
Mitvol's headquarters is located in the same yard with the Organized Crime Control Department. No signage. The helpers, fit young men, make a few calls before letting me in.
“The police have already come to us four times,” says Oleg Mitvol. - It saves us that this office has nothing to do with me - this is a political club. There, a newspaper with a portrait of Shakhov is hanging. When they see Shakhov, they relax.
The walls are indeed sealed with press. For example, the newspaper Veruyu reports: “On September 18, a meeting of the clergy of the Khimki deanery took place in the church of the Apostles Peter and Paul. The clergy were presented with a candidate for the position of head of the Khimki administration. Oleg Fedorovich spoke about his multifaceted activities at all stages of serving his people ... ”In the photo, Shakhov receives a blessing.
- 80 thousand copies. And in stores, formative surveys are conducted. “If you choose someone other than Shakhov, then what awaits you?” Mitvol says.
Pillars reclaimed from the police are leaning against the wall.
“We explained to them that this is a robbery, they cost more than 1,000 rubles,” says assistant Ilya. “Women agitators are being detained. And the guys who were sticking leaflets on the fences were taken by some men to the forest and beaten there.
Mitvolevskaya program lies right there. The program includes promises to reduce housing and communal services tariffs by 20–30%, open temporary kindergartens on the first floors of houses and in private apartments, and prevent the construction of a waste incineration plant by TBC Innovations (a danger that only Mitvol noticed of all the candidates). It is said about the highway: “Khimki should benefit from a large-scale transport project for the construction of a toll highway from Moscow to St. Petersburg. The felling of a part of the Khimki forest caused irreparable damage to the region's ecosystem. This is a sufficient basis for a 2% deduction for the use of the new highway in favor of the city.”
- Most of our newspaper - in the headquarters of the administration. A five-ton truck brought 100,000 copies a week ago. They lie at the Rodina stadium.
Because of this newspaper, Mitvol has already been twice tried to be removed from the electoral race - the "left copies", of course, were not paid from the fund. In response, Oleg Lvovich unearthed that the head of the Moscow Regional Electoral Committee, Vildanov, was disqualified by the Khamovnichesky court in 2004 ...
- Everything changed for me after the eviction of the Nazis from the kindergarten. (In September 2010, Mitvol, as prefect of the SAO, deprived the Nashi movement of premises.) I was told by well-wishers then that if I climbed, my civil service would end there. And I have already freed 32 kindergartens. I got in touch with my immediate supervisor, and Luzhkov said: "Drive them in the neck." Exactly at the moment when they removed Luzhkov, they also removed me. But I don't regret it.
I was not interested in Khimki before Beketov. There was a program on the RSN, and after the broadcast, Strelchenko asked me in the presence of journalists: “Are you returning home with security? Aren't you afraid yourself?" Well, it really pissed me off.
We helped Chirikova in the last elections. Now I'm going myself. In general, I think that you need to participate in elections as often as possible if you are a politician ... And then Venediktov writes to me on Twitter: “You agreed with the Kremlin!” And how did I agree, if I already submitted a statement to the Prosecutor General's Office against Shakhov - he designed the highway in Primorye, and it collapsed. I'm pulling him under the corner.
Twirls in his hands the badge "Mitvol, fuck off, if you please," taken from a guest worker. Guest workers, says Mitvol, wear badges and remove his agitation from their homes. Therefore, Mitvol goes after guest workers with a camera: “What citizenship? Why are you taking me out alone?" A video hunt for guest workers is posted on YouTube. Mitvol wants to force illegal migrants to first work out their deportation on free work.
He considers himself the strongest candidate. “Well, objectively, more slander against me means that they are most afraid of me. There are no competitors, we are afraid of the administrative resource. They don’t save money at all, that’s what’s scary.”
Tomorrow, people meet with Shakhov at 14:30 at the gangway. We will also come there, we want to meet. And I go to events to Chirikova. Because there are journalists. I don't get much press...
To Chirikova, another environmentalist candidate, Oleg Lvovich has "no questions."
- But she has experience ... She is a good charming girl, but you will go to a specialist to treat your teeth ...
Chirikova's headquarters is located in Novye Khimki, an ugly area of new buildings closer to Moscow. The path to the office of the people's candidate lies between concrete piles sticking out of the courtyards of high-rise buildings, between corrugated metal fences. It is deduced on the metal - "this is a Russian region."
The entrance to the headquarters is shared with the grocery store: "but 30 thousand a month, not 100." One room, small. Chirikova's support group brings furniture from home. Here, in my presence, a modest young man, Yevgeny, brought a chair and left.
Money for the election campaign is collected through an open account. Now there are about 300 thousand.
There are always 4-5 young guys and girls in the headquarters. They negotiate with sites, monitor the Internet, receive visitors. Right now it turns out that the hall for meeting with voters suddenly turned out to be filled with boiling water - a pipe burst, and the administration of the shopping center is calling and canceling the lease. Prior to this, five halls were refused without explanation. They decide to meet at the station: “although it’s not hot for people, of course, to stand.”
Failed with billboards (“you need to order a year in advance”) and bulletin boards (“in six months, and we are out of politics”).
“But Shakhov is hanging,” Nikolai Lyaskin, Chirikova’s assistant, says sadly. It turns out that he has a highly developed sense of foresight. But we don't.
It's raining outside. Piles are glossy and gleam.
Once again I notice how Zhenya has changed. When I met her 5 years ago, she was a manager with a small smart business, as far from politics as it can be. Then she seriously said that she was not going to fight for the Khimki forest: “I will simply inform the people, and then they themselves.” Then Zhenya became the head of a small and evil public organization, learned to stand in front of working equipment and call others to this technique. Then I learned to shout at rallies from the stands. Now - after daily meetings in courtyards, on playgrounds and train platforms - in her voice the intonation of an elderly employee of the letters department of the district newspaper.
When early elections were announced, Chirikova immediately refused and announced this on Twitter. It took a day to change my mind.
- Convinced. I realized that you can not merge. Now there is a different support, a different experience, a different team. There is a chance.
(A biker comes to the headquarters - for a T-shirt. He takes a picture with Zhenya, at the same time he takes stickers.)
“I have an ideology. I understood how to develop our country. The root of evil is the resource economy. When only what is able to eat develops. In a resource economy, the change of power is impossible. Because they don't want to release resources anymore.
Khimki is developing due to land speculation. Additional building window to window, with such a density of hamsters bite each other to death. At the same time, the road system is the same as in the 70s. And — to serve it all — a huge influx of migrants.
We have a design bureau here, a science city, huge intellectual resources are concentrated! A normal attitude towards business, new and expanded roads, cycle roads, public transport... We will strive for the metro. And changes in the project of the Moscow-St. Petersburg route. Because then there will be another new Khimki, another hotbed of land speculation. The lands of the Khimki forest, according to the regional plan of urban development, are a development zone, and land is already being sold there. And it will be hell - 10 lanes of the route through the Khimki forest rest against four lanes of Dybenko Street. You can't build like that. In Moscow, by the way, it will be normal, 10 lanes will turn into 10. Moscow cannot be designed according to one law, Khimki according to another. This is not another state.
Our teachers go to work in Moscow, because there are city surcharges. But we can also afford extras. The budget is excellent, surplus. But for the improvement, each apartment pays a thousand rubles. Look out the window - does it cost a thousand? When electronic trading was introduced in several districts of Moscow, everything began to become cheaper at times. Benches are 7 times cheaper. And people have to make their own decisions. No one knows better than this yard, this street how things need to be landscaped. But you need to knock out this indifference, which has been laid there for years. We need TV shows on how to manage your yard, popularization of positive examples, articles in newspapers. So that people decide for themselves what will stand here - a gas station, a square or a kindergarten. It's a responsibility, but it's cool.
Many feel second-rate. You say: “Police station in France…” They tell you: “So it’s in France.” We stand in the yard with mothers on the playground and then the light is cut down. I am outraged. And one - a young, beautiful girl - says: “Well, what do you want, this is not Moscow ...”
I suddenly notice that Zhenya is really being listened to. Campaigners and headquarters managers, volunteers who have been hanging around here for a month and probably know this speech by heart, distracted themselves from their work and sat down on tables and stacks of newspapers. It seems that they really believe that it is not immediately, but it is possible to organize a piece of Europe near Moscow - with bike paths, sign language translation and Wi-Fi in green untouched parks.
“I believe in the team,” Zhenya says. - Listen, there are enough specialists around - in housing and communal services, in SNiPs, in taxes, in the budget. It is impossible to know everything. It is a myth that a person must have experience in municipal government and understand kickbacks. We are already being controlled.
Kostya and Zhenya go around the points - after all, they were promised a free area guaranteed by law for advertising. We slowly crawl through the traffic jam along Yubileiny. At stops in the rain, girls in sneakers and white T-shirts with a black-and-white portrait freeze - agitators for Chirikova. They don’t leave, they don’t hide from the rain under their visors.
* Since 2004, Strelchenko's wife's brother Eduard Ragin created Khimenergosbyt LLC and KhimEnergoVodoSbyt OJSC - to resell energy, heat and gas to the population and enterprises. Since then, tariffs in Khimki have been 1.5 times higher than in Moscow. The family monopoly could not be broken even by the federal department for combating organized crime, forced to retreat without completing the check. It was about the Ragins that journalist Mikhail Beketov was going to write in the never-published issue of Khimkinskaya Pravda.