Translated material
Ivanova Victory
In uniform
Ivanova Victory
March 21, 2006 Alexander Golts
Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense Sergey Ivanov can be congratulated. He just proved who is the master in our government. I suspect that this victory was not easy for him. At least a merciless fight under the Putin carpet lasted several months. In November last year, Sergey Borisovich received a promotion-he became Deputy Prime Minister and began the domestic military-industrial complex. And then he said that he intended to head the Government Commission for the military -industrial complex. Moreover, he began to reason how exactly it should function. He said that he did not intend, they say, to gain a large state. Speech, according to Ivanov, was about the creation of a working coordinating organ. However, a freshly baked deputy prime minister hurried. A couple of weeks later, the head of government, Mikhail Fradkov, quietly issued an order on the distribution of powers. According to the order, the leadership of the military-industrial commission remained with Fradkov.
And after six months, Sergei Ivanov struck a response. During a regular meeting with the ministers, Vladimir Putin said: “I signed a decree on the military-industrial commission under the Government of the Russian Federation. We have long talked about the need to intensify our work in this direction, we had a commission of this kind. The differences are that the newly created body will work on an ongoing basis. It will be headed by Deputy Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense Sergey Borisovich Ivanov, his first deputy will be Putilin Vladislav Nikolaevich. He will work in the rank of minister. All decisions of the commission, if necessary, will be drawn up by orders or decrees of the government and the chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation will be signed. ” In boxing, this is called pure knockout. Ivanov outplayed Fradkov puzzled.
The thing, however, is that the achievement is more than doubtful. The claim to the leadership of the Russian defense and industrial complex Ivanov and the head of the General Staff Yuri Baluevsky were justified by the fact that the size of the funds consumable for the development and production of weapons did not correspond in any way. If you call a spade a spade, the domestic military -industrial complex has turned into a black hole. On the one hand, the funds that are spent in Russia for the production of weapons are growing from year to year. If in 2005 the defense order amounted to 187 billion rubles, then 2006 is supposed to spend 237 billion already. At the same time, the volume of production does not change significantly-6-7 Topol-M strategic missiles are produced per year, several dozen tanks and infantry combat vehicles, less than a dozen aircraft and helicopters. If you re -equip the army at such a pace, then it will take a hundred years.
The Minister of Defense was repeatedly indignant at the fact that the entire increase in funds was eaten by a sharp rise in the cost of military products. So, according to some reports, the price of the same strategic Topol-M strategic missiles, which Vladimir Putin is so proud of, has grown three and a half times in recent years. Ivanov says, I don’t know, sincerely or not, that the whole problem is in the self -index of manufacturers who increase the price of supplied weapons when they want and as much as they want. The purpose of the “coordination” that the commission led by him should be carried out, the Deputy Prime Minister considers to ensure the invariability of prices. And in order to ensure the effectiveness of military production, Sergei Ivanov intends to continue the formation of certain vertical structures controlled by the state of holdings, which should include most enterprises of a particular industry - aviation, armored, air defense, etc.
In fact, the main problem of the domestic military -industrial complex is that it ... does not exist. It is not in the form of a complex, that is, a single system. Instead, there are several hundred (in some state documents there is a figure of 1200 enterprises, in others - 1,500, in the third - 1600) plants. For various reasons, they prefer to list themselves as part of a military -industrial complex. However, the chain of cooperation has long been destroyed. Few of them are able to establish serial production of military equipment. To do this, it is the Ministry of Defense, and no commission on the military -industrial complex, must highlight priorities in the production of weapons.
Today, the military department prefers to prefer that it is capable of, as in Soviet times, to release the entire thoughtful nomenclature of weapons and military equipment - from pistols to strategic missiles. As a result, the defense order at considerable total cost practically does not ensure the receipt of new military equipment into the armed forces. The production of small series - in a dozen aircraft, thirty tanks - makes these products almost “gold”. Not wanting to endure losses, manufacturers lay all possible costs in the cost of the final product. It is in this, and by no means in the desire of malicious directors to get superpituation, the reason for the steady increase in prices in the military -industrial complex lies.
Of course, this problem cannot be solved by creating holdings. Indeed, as a result, at one or two effective enterprises, which, as a rule, export military equipment developed thirty years ago, there are a dozen factories that produce nothing at all. The whole point of such a holding is that Moscow officials gain full control over export income.
The famous military expert Vitaliy Shlykov compared the work that was coming to Sergey Ivanov with the cleaning of the Augish stables . I suspect that the minister himself does not consider it necessary to clean the stables of the military -industrial complex. For him, the main thing is to get the stables at his disposal, even if molested. I wonder who will answer if billions are spent, and the army will not receive the promised weapons? Certainly not Sergey Borisovich.
Photo from the site Skandaly.ru
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