
For what I love domestic bureaucrats is that their life is full of adventure and surprises. For them, everything that happens is a riot of elements that cannot be predicted. Whether it is the death of the oil platform, which began to drive into the storm, putting two crews on it in order to save. It is clear that fifty people died not because of the greed of bosses, but because of the raging elements. Whether it is snow, which, it must have fallen again, bastard, in Moscow in winter. Whether it is a lifting civil protest after the elections, the results of which were falsified in the most arrogant way. In fact, well, who could expected that tens of thousands of people in Moscow would not be offended by the fact that their wallet was pulled out of their pocket, not by the fact that they were deprived of the New Year's bonus, but by the fact that they (“miserable people”, according to the “wizard of Churov”) dreamed that only their voices arose. Well, what kind of office Bandera Longs, in essence, the difference, what kind of clowns will portray democracy in the following years of the reign of our beloved boaver. The most offensive is that all these rallies have to be distracted at the most intense moment. When in fact the formation of the administration of the future president began. When you need to understand what the new purpose of Sergei Ivanov means. Either a return to big politics, or an ambulance. When you need to quickly figure out how to behave in the jungle. Whether to start lick the wise Pu or the mouth of the NIC in front of the jackal appointed by the prime minister.
Therefore, they reacted to a civilian protest in the same way as the Moscow snowfall, that is, fussily and stupidly. In subordinate newspapers, they published under different surnames the texts written under a copy of the problems with the organization of a rally on December 24. At the same time, they forgot that those who are going to a rally do not read such newspapers. Then Nemtsov’s telephone conversations betrayed the publicity, where he spoke badly about other organizers of the rally. Obviously, it was assumed that the universal scream would begin under the scream “And who are you!”. But the organizers were not led. Nemtsov apologized. Those whom he remembered, reluctantly accepted his heart. It even seemed to me that this vile story not only did not quarrel the opposition, but even rallied them. Everyone realized that professional villains simply waited for no mistake from the organizers.

Finally, Medvedev, who is trying to portray the president, was ordered to make promises to change the political system. The President of Russia proposed (it is better to sit nervous) even before the boas elections to implement comprehensive political reform. Firstly, to return the elections of the heads of regions by direct vote (until recently, he stated that this would happen no earlier than 15 years later). Secondly, in a simplified manner to register parties-at the request of 500 people representing at least 50 percent of the regions of the country. Thirdly, to reduce the number of voter signatures necessary to participate in the elections of the President of the Russian Federation, to 300 thousand, and for candidates from non-parliamentary parties-up to 100 thousand. Fourth, to change the system of elections to the State Duma, to introduce a proportional representation in 225 districts. And also change the procedure for the formation of the CEC of the Russian Federation and regional election commission, increasing the number of parties. And also create public television independent of the authorities ... based on one of the federal channels. So I see G.G. Ernst or Dobrodeev, day and nights baking about independence. In a word, "science and art will arise under the observation of quarterly overseers."
If seriously, then Medvedev outlined the program of peaceful dismantling of the Putin vertical of power. The very system that the national driver diligently and consistently rebuilt the last ten years. Systems, the meaning of which is the absolute impossibility of changing power. That is why the requirements for registration of parties and candidates were invented in principle. Medvedev implemented all these innovations in 2008, and in 2012 there would be no reason for rallies. However, even if in the next two months he manages to pursue these laws through the Duma, nothing will prevent Putin from calmly canceling them when a wave of rally activity subsides. There is no doubt that until March they will try to distract more than one such wiring. I don’t know what they will come up with: Putin’s conflict with Prokhorov, or maybe with Mironov. I don’t want to think about the fact that they can start a war or a terrorist attack ...
I must say that civilian activists found a rather effective answer to the Kremlin-Kesetsky conspiracyology. If you are betting on manipulations, on secret operations, then we make our activities fundamentally transparent. All meetings are broadcast by the city and the world online - via the Internet. Speakers at the rally are also selected through voting on social networks. We collect money for a rally through a web wallet and report to a penny. These are not hundreds of papers that secretly dull the "Nashists".
At the same time, it would be a strong exaggeration to say that the opposition was ready for the fact that the protest would take such a massive character. I'm not talking about the lack of programs (including positive ones), which often reproaches the opposition-something, and the programs have been written in abundance in recent years. It should simply be admitted: so far it has not been possible to put forward either clear slogans or a clear program of actions. And the problem here is again not in the absence of ideas. It’s just that the more successful rallies in protest will be, the more obvious the question will be: what to do next? As long as the protesters are within the framework of Putin's legislation, the authorities can ignore them, getting off with Medvedev promises of future reforms. The slogan is urgently needed, which, on the one hand, would ensure the development of protests, on the other hand, would remain legitimacy. For example, a call to convocate the Constituent Assembly is a reform, so reform. For example, a clear program of action on the eve and during the presidential election.
This is not an easy job. But certainly it is more productive than disputes regarding who should be performed at the upcoming rally and in what sequence. It is clear the desire to find new leaders who can unite everyone who does not like the existing regime. But it is obvious that if the speakers are determined by voting on the Internet, then people will choose primarily those whom they know well - people of culture and art. It would be fair to say that the leaders of Parnassus and "solidarity" were tired of the Russian people, if before that they had not left television screens. But this is not at all the case.
If you recall Churchill, what is happening - "not the end, this is not even the beginning of the end, but this is the end of the beginning." Ahead is a very difficult period. Nothing is predetermined yet. We will still have time to find out who is better suited for the role of leaders. But so far is definitely not the time.