
On the morning of Saturday, December 13, buses at the Conference of Solidarity went from the Dynamo metro. Everyone was very serious and mysterious. It seemed now they would ask: "You have a Slavic cabinet for sale?" - And they will take it to Ikeu.
The dangers were in wait at every step: on Leningradsky Prospekt with the bus, Kung OMON GUVD caught up with the bus. “To us for sure? No ... turned left ... turned to the left. “She looks after, and almost cries ...” But this is not for long, - until tomorrow, to the marsh of the disagreement: “He flew away, but promised to return. Dear, dear ... "
On the way - many new buildings, almost ready - concrete, metal, glass.
What is such a crisis?
Then - the village, there are ten years, from the past of a crisis, unfinished houses.
Sports base. We stop at the watch. A soldier with a jumping panther on a chevron enters. Operation "Bus"? No, - security, chop ...
The foyer is registered. Suddenly - a noise, a landfill: leaflets flew into the air, but the loud cries were not so tied to the context that many did not hear: "Stop rocking the boat!"
What is such a boat?
In the leaflets about this it was written - and three monkeys were drawn for intelligibility.
What does the monkey?
*****
Meanwhile, the meeting began.
Boris Nemtsov announced the results of the vote: "Solidarity" is established!
Tsoi sounded: "Changes, we are waiting for changes ..." Why Tsoi? About twenty years ago, everyone was younger. If then they themselves did not belong to the "youth", at least they remembered: the youth loves Tsoi. The hall stood out of aid. We are not accustomed to greet the anthem ...
The first was Harry Kasparov. He said that we were not going in greenhouse conditions - and that's good. Talked about the impossibility of cooperating with the authorities. About non -power. About the crisis. He spoke of conferences in 42 regions.
It was continued by Vladimir Milov - more than five thousand activists of democratic parties and movements participated in conferences, more than three hundred delegates were elected ...
Milov spoke about the crisis. The need to create a "agenda", substantive alternatives, is not for your circle, but for the whole country.
Loud slurred trumpet sounds were heard from the hall. And by the way, it became clear what the boat and monkeys.
Several dozens of Rumolovites with symbols, a brass band (the guys do not experience special difficulties with money!), And, indeed, a boat, are the usual boat as there are such boat at boat stations. Only with monkeys. Three fellows with monkey masks on their faces and bananas in their hands stood inside and rhythmically swinged it ...
The interest in this scandal was no less than the "constructive", which was discussed from the rostrum. These are the features of the language, the audience, the communicative space ...
Almost one of the continuous Muscovites act - probably, future candidates for members of the political council. Eternal problem - to make a Moscow governing body because otherwise not to get together ...
Olga Kournosova - from St. Petersburg: “There have been no such meetings in Russia for fifteen years ...” This is about the regions, in Moscow for many years now, “every year my friends and I have been going to the bathhouse” and establish something all -Russian and democratic ...
The debate continued in every sense - it was hot in the hall.
They spoke mainly about the crisis. About the collapse of power. About two threats - dictatorship and chaos. The fact that democrats can and will have to save the country.
Maybe I don’t understand something, but the further, the more the event resembled the Dovlatov “branch”.
Ilya Yashin also predicted the crisis. He said that three options are possible: tragedy, catastrophe and victory of democratic forces.
He scolded the authorities, it seems to be bright and figuratively: “In parliament - waiters who know two remarks:“ What to deign ”and“ eat ”!”, “This is not the“ united Russia ”, we are united Russia!”. Something else about the "ruble trade union" and about "simple normal people ..."
Firstly, "these are duplicated with us simple." And, secondly, for some reason, the gesticulation and agitation of Yashin is turned back, not to the hall, but to the right, to a dummy guard standing on the edge of the stage.
Fixed security guards are located symmetrically next to the speakers. Their elder, shaved, with a Mephistophel beard, sits in front of the stage in the center. They give the event a strange shade. Kasparov’s bodies are by no means harassed by fans of chess, and still ...
Lev Ponomarev, who reminded that exactly four years ago - December 13, 2004, the first “battered city” of Blagoveshchensk appeared in Russia, seemed one of the most adequate. He talked about interaction with the authorities, about interaction, but at the same time about pressure on power. Ponomarev refers to the "Democratic Revolution of 1991," it turns out that it was led by "Democratic Russia". Yes, the position of "flood chief" is already busy ...
Another veteran of the demotion, Viktor Sheinis, looked like Leopold's cat with his "let's live together. He talks about the need to cooperate with Yabloko, about the inadmissibility of hostile rhetoric. He says correctly, but they listen to Viktor Leonidovich inattentively.
Boris Nemtsov, on the contrary, listen. He began with the recognition that he had recently spoke from the same rostrum: the “funeral” congress of the Union of Right Forces took place in the same hall.
ATP then acted as a real samurai. Shogun said - the samurai sits down and dutifully makes Sappuka. Harakiri Lithuania ...
"But now everything is different here!" - The audience likes such advances. Nemtsov is listened not only because he discusses the ratio of "morality and the right of vs. Political values." The form is important, not reflection. About the same crisis as all other speakers, he remarks: “It comes to an end. Immediately. I would say, - sneaks up ..." Laughter and revitalization in the hall. A familiar language of the material and telephone bottom. From the same row that "to wet in the toilet", "trim so that it does not grow", and "hang in one place" ...
Roman Dobrokhotov is the hero of the day: the day before he allowed himself replicas from the hall during the presidential speech, was taken out of the hall by guard, and almost immediately dismissed from work. “But we do not love him for this,” they listen to Dobrokhotov as carefully as Nemtsov, because Roman knows how to speak. Conduct a dialogue. Paose. The audience hears him, although, unlike the previous speaker, there are no hints "below the belt."
*****
The draft resolution was difficult to read. The author is clearly gravitated towards Tolstoy, and not to Hemingayu. Phrases on many lines. "Awareness of the need for appearance ..." - these words for some reason are not called anywhere. The point here is not only in literacy: there is not enough "skeleton" and directions.
After all, even the absurd, in principle, the design - four infinitives in a row - can become a positive unifying program: "Go find to buy a drink ..."
Do not feel drive. Boring. And the revolution is a funny thing ...
Even during the "concert" of the Rumolovites, when the half of the hall escaped to see, the meeting was not interrupted with the words "Lord, we have an anthrax, if you please see the insert number ..."
Meanwhile, from the editorial commission it is heard: "... the device of movement ..."
The program is called "300 steps" - in what, interesting language? On the assembler? In the language of hell? Are errors identified? How are things going with debugging?
Having received three hundred amendments to the program and a thousand to other documents, as a result, the editorial commission asked to extend her work for another three months ...
Meanwhile, there are issues that the commission will definitely not solve.
How to form a new identity, non-ethnic and non-imperial, non-Soviet anti-fascism?
How to build ... to create, finally, not a hierarchical, but a network structure? How to make it "from below", not "from above"? How to grow new leaders from below?
All this is the problems of the language, the problems of communication. The formation of the structure is not least determined by the language. The language, in turn, is not least determined by leaders.
There are no many iconic figures. Nikita Belykh is missing - I see ... but where is Ryzhkov? Kasyanov? Auzan? .. Perhaps this indicates the lost skill of collective work. A year ago, when Vaclav Gavel was in Moscow, he was very surprised at this. They explained to him: this is the main thing in democracy is a procedure. We have the main thing - who is the main thing in democracy ...
So, the point is also in the procedure - that it does not reproduce this situation.
*****
What did the classic advise?
You’ll go to the left, you’ll get to the Kremlin. You will go, like, right - you will get to the Kremlin. So it's better, go to the right - to probably get there.
The opposition that gathered somewhere behind the Khimki near Moscow heeded Venichka. The conversation was seriously about creating a “right”, according to Russian concepts, a movement that can take power - that is, again according to Russian concepts, the Kremlin. More precisely, to achieve a peaceful, non -violent change of power. More precisely and more careful - to fight for the creation of such conditions when a change of power as a result of honest elections would become possible ...
Only now the trouble is the Kremlin, having aimed at inevitably affects funds. And the Russian rulers, getting there, become extremely similar to each other. Unfortunately, the mood for this goal is already changing: "Even the wicker chairs hold here / on bolts and nuts."
And now ...
The governing bodies, the political committee and the Presidium, were chosen by the clock by two nights of the next day. It remains to wish them if not the achievement of the goal, then fidelity to the declared funds. And yet...
To criticize - it will tell me, the easiest way. And criticism should be constructive. So I will try to express criticism in constructive form ...
Russia is a big country, this is its main property. And this property affects the structure of any movement that claims to be a nationwide scale.
Russia is not Poland, here our distances are measured for days. The need to form a capable leadership collects this very leadership in the capital, tearing away from the rest of the country.
And this, in turn, almost inevitably leads to the creation of hierarchical structures, and not network.
At the current high costs - here there is not only the cost of tickets and time for moving and moving, but also the “gendarme tax”, levied by the political police of all departments, the organizers of the conference of “solidarity” had quite reasonable fears to lose the results of their long preliminary work.
The constituent conference could not only be disrupted by provocateurs in monkey masks.
The balance of many forces merging in the new movement was taken into account during consultations in the formation of a list of candidates for political officers: thirty -nine people. However, the conference could, purely theoretically, choose other people. Secret vote, nomination from the hall is not prohibited. Then the balance would be lost, resentment would begin, and it went-off-long.
In addition, for effective work, especially in the context of possible crises and “road checks”, there should be many Muscovites in the leadership. The country is big ...
How to achieve this? After all, no one guarantees the popular love of the fondery, rather - on the contrary!
And there is a temptation: to offer a list of candidates - thirty -nine at thirty -nine seats - thereby leaving no place for accidents.
And if other proposals arise? For example, in the order of delirium, so that no one was offended, to elect all the nominated (there were eighty people), on the list and in addition to the list, - all the same, the presidium will still solve!
Or at least expanding the political commission to fifty people, so that someone else gets there, except for a very desirable “clip”.
Or another option ...
What can you do with such proposals?
We can recall that with the beginning of any such conference that is the highest governing body and all that, the powers of the organizing committee end. The organizing committee, handing his likelihood to the audience, awaits the results of discussions and votes with trepidation.
You can trust the hall at least in the small. People are shallow, not enemies, and they themselves will understand the need for the procedure proposed by the organizing committee. If you arrange a soft rating vote for all the proposed options - how many times you want, and raise your hand - it will become clear that it seems that democratic, but delusional options do not pass. Maybe for each, in principle, more than half of the votes, but in one - sixty, and after the other - ninety. And then from the two, who made the most votes, we choose with a rigid vote. It is also necessary: it is one thing when a person is asked "better - worse", and quite another - "or - or".
All these procedures take time, but in the end, people travel in the belief that their opinion was taken into account. At least it was heard, but did not find support. There is no unpleasant sediment, doubt: "Perhaps they would support me."
And there is a different method, much simpler and more effective: we put the first to the first vote, that is, our own version of the procedure. He receives more than half of the votes, much more. Then the rest of the options simply do not vote - the time is not enough ...
And this is also possible. Not just possible, but effective. It is even possible that this procedure is more effective in the same result that would get a long and difficult way.
Only now the question: will this method strengthen the trust between "center" and "regions"? Will the movement become more stable in harsh pressure of power? Or in a crisis, the inevitability of which delegates spoke so much?
The question, the answer to which, however, is unknown to me. In the end, I am just a guest in this world ... that is, conferences.
More or less accurately I know only one thing: the procedure is also a language. Sometimes more expressive and informative than “many letters” of speeches, charters and programs.
*****
I got out on the crossroads. Buses go infrequently. On the booth, rudely and long cooked, in many layers of sloppy stained, a poster is stained. It is printed well, on poor paper, in one color: Evgeny Petrosyan is in the district center tonight. He seems to have no problems with filling the hall - such a “common language”, such a “common vision” can be envied ...
Electric train. A girl with a laptop on her knees is turning on something for a restaurant - recipes, calculations ... Times are changing: twenty years ago, during the time of Tsoi and “democratic Russia”, there was nothing like this.
Moscow. The cracked asphalt of the railway platform, excellent steps. Here - everything is like twenty years ago, when it still began ...
On the way to the subway - construction. The ephemeral bridge over the railway tracks - the grilles are sketched on the welded frame. Through them, the light of spotlights breaks through the bottom. It was easy and fun to go over the abyss.