Regressors with social facilities

About two months ago, on September 16, 2008, the opening of the Center for Conservative Studies at the Sociology Faculty of Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov. In this event, it would seem unremarkable, since for many third -party observers this center is nothing more than the next synecure for teachers of the sociological faculty, there is one “but” that forces us to pay close attention to this fact. The head of this center was by no means the dean of the sociological faculty, Vladimir Ivanovich Dobrenkov, as one might be expected, and the figure is contradictory and at the same time attracting close attention - professor of Moscow State University, Doctor of Political Sciences, the most famous Russian Negorezian Alexander Gelievich Dugin.

It is important to note that already his first performance as the head of the center, Alexander Dugin began with a phrase, which became a credo of American neoconservatives: "ideas matters." Then he continued: "Today in Russia there is a vacuum of ideology - at first Soviet ideology collapsed, and then a liberal idea." Accordingly, the ideology, which the current Russian society should adopt, should be conservatism. The only reason why this has not happened yet, Dugin considers the absence of influential academic scientific centers that must affect power. Consequently, the center of conservative studies is created in order to establish a dialogue between intellectuals and scientists with power structures. Thus, Dugin claims no less than turning the structure, the leader of which he is assigned, into the Russian analogue of American "brain trusts" . Moreover, the newly created center of conservative thought should educate the "new conservative elite" and help it also become a "political elite." Thus, it is obvious that the laurels of American neoconservatives, who for several decades, managed to turn from a small group of political marginals into a powerful movement for several decades, have not been given Dugin, which has led the only US Superpower for several years. He sees himself the creator of the Russian school of conservatism and the ideological inspirer of the new conservative elite. Moreover, in this field he has an ally with a powerful administrative and financial resource, the dean of the sociological faculty of Moscow State University Vladimir Dobrenkov.

To the center of conservative research

But what about the centenum of the famous sociologist of Max Weber that the university department should be free from assessment judgments, that, ascending to it, the teacher should abandon ideological attitudes and convey to students who are listening to him, truth and only truth, free from personal preferences and addictions. But it seems that about this commandment of one of the founding fathers of modern sociology at the sociology faculty of Moscow State University has long been forgotten. One of the consequences of this was the scandal from the "OD groups", which undermined the image of Dobrenkov quite strongly. As a result, a commission of the Public Chamber was sent to the sociological faculty, which issued a conclusion on the low quality of the teaching staff of the faculty and educational material used in the learning process. It would seem that it was possible to correct the current situation quite easily: to re -certify the teaching staff, the revision of the methodological materials used, and finally, the general verification of students' training (after all, it is well known that higher education is primarily self -education, and the teacher’s goal is only to stimulate the student’s research interest).

But the leadership of the sociological faculty made a different conclusion. The Od-Group was declared the vanguard of the “Orange threat” in Russia (it is not so important whether it really was), and the sociological faculty itself was a stronghold of the confrontation of the threat of emasculation of university education, as a result of which the future Russian elite becomes intellectually helpless, and in the worst case, a reorientation from national ”occurs from the national execution the interests of Russia on the interests of other states . " The result of this approach was the organization at the sociological faculty of Moscow State University "Political Club", the prototype of the Center for Conservative Research.

Ideological impotence

It is quite obvious who is opposed by this center, created by the joint efforts of Dobrenkov and Dugin. However, its creators themselves do not hide this. In the speech, uttered when taking up the office of the Center, Dugin directly called his enemy - the Higher School of Economics , the intellectual center of domestic liberals, which still supplies personnel for the authorities, which, Dugin, being conservative in essence, is forced to rely on liberals. However, the ideological orientation of the created center causes certain doubts.

There is no need to delve into the biography of Alexander Gelievich Dugin, who has traveled from the ideologist of the National-Bolshevik party to the head of the International Eurasian movement, especially since there are many studies about this. One should not delve into the ideological transformation of Vladimir Dobrenkov, who turned from a convinced Marxist into the Orthodox. The Union of these people - the Orthodox, despite the speeches in favor of the abolition of the moratorium on the death penalty, Dobrenkov and the paganism of Dugin at the dawn of political youth - looks somewhat strange. How strange it seems strange to any outside observer to the fund that provides PR support, information and other support for the activity of the Center, named after the American-Russian sociologist Pitirim Sorokin, who was hardly distinguished by conservative views, and to be honest, the real national socialist on convictions.

As you know, in his youth, Sorokin was an active and high-ranking member of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party and even for some time was a secretary under Kerensky. Of course, Sorokin criticized Western society in general and the American in particular. In the books “Crisis of our time”, “American sexual revolution” and others, he wrote about the general decline of morality and morality, about the disaster that gives rise to the inconsistency of the values ​​accepted by society, the realities of this society. He wrote about the crisis of Western society, but the way out of it was not associated with a return back, but with the movement forward, with the adoption of a new complex of ethical norms, with the degeneration of society as a whole. Sorokin would hardly have been glad to hear that his name and ideas are associated with the upbringing of such "regressors", designed to spread the values ​​of Orthodox conservatism. The radical essence of Sorokin’s theories felt very well the student community of America. Unlike representatives of the Center for Conservative Research, it understood the radical orientation of Pitirim Sorokin’s ideas, otherwise, it was hardly rebellious students who drew his name on the badges and banners in the 1960s.

On the other hand, it is hardly being knitted with the image of a stronghold of the national values ​​of Russia (which is understood primarily the values ​​of Orthodoxy) and Russian conservatism that set of guests that the Center for Conservative Research has already managed to invite . In particular, the figure of Alena de Benois is very remarkable here. The visit of this modern neopagan, which is at the same time and one of the creators of the new right -wing movement, was very widely covered on the website of the same fund Pitirim Sorokin. It is impossible not to note the positive side of this visit. De Benois, of course, a person known in the West, and communication with him should positively affect the expansion of the horizons of Russian students. But how can the ideas and Orthodox values ​​that he propagate, serve, from the point of view of Dobrenkov, the basis for the education of modern Russian youth, this future national elite, can be combined. The general ideological orientation of the Center for Conservative Research remains unclear. And this, no doubt, is his weak side, if he decided to compete with the Higher School of Economics in the education of the future elite of the Russian state.