Translated material
PMC disappears
From the editorial office. On November 3, at 73 of his life, one of the largest political figures by the Russian post -tester Viktor Stepanovich Chernomyrdin died. He led the Russian government for the most difficult years, complex from an economic point of view and from the point of view of political. The people Viktor Stepanovich were remembered by their phrase " they wanted the best, but it turned out as always ." Otherwise, it is not perceived with an ironic smile. Today, the country has lost one of the most significant politicians of its recent history. The president of the Effective Policy Foundation, editor -in -chief of RSA Gleb Pavlovsky , tells the readers of the Russian magazine about how important Viktor Stepanovich had for Russia.
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The late Viktor Stepanovich for many years, almost before the beginning of the zero, was proportionate to the stage of the new Russia as a whole, and not one of its strength. He invariably found himself at the center of attempts to “save” Russia or overturn it.
This made a Civil Code a favorite object of any slander. Envying rumor considered him the main nouveau riche of Russia, attributing to him a clearly greater loving love than can be seen from our days. On the contrary, among the orgy of the enrichment, which unfolded with the collapse of communism, the Civil Code from the perspective of today looks almost an immortal - who has abandoned the unheard of personal creation for working for the state. Especially in its position and connections among the gentlemen - Soviet directors, the so -called "Reds." He sacrificed the opportunity to become the richest person, although peculiarly understood.
He was considered a cynic, but his sardonic humor was rather a protection from the bottomless cynicism of his dear environment. The PMC looks like a traitor to its class - an unpleasant and cynical Soviet director, who privatized the USSR even before Chubais, putting superpower to gold cufflinks and Mercedes. With an incredible aplomb, speed and knowledge of the case, plundering allied infrastructure, up to the social, the directorate cursed Gaidarochubais, Yeltsin and Liberals. Why did Chernomyrdin refused to be one of them? This is an important human mystery. Like his decision to stay with Yeltsin. By the way, this choice was predetermined by the outcome of October 1993. Go to the CME to the other side, Luzhkov and Grachev would have gone after him.
Humor compensated him with a lack of freedom, and the ace of his own fate. Once in Odessa I watched Viktor Stepanovich, accidentally colliding with Zhvanetsky at the entrance to the hotel, entered into a dialogue with him. It was a competition of improvisers. They poured more and more sophisticated, incredibly funny monologues, clearly entering the rage. And Zhvanetsky surrendered, recognizing the winner of Chernomyrdin!
I think that it was the glory of the “business executive” that determined his appointment by the ambassador to Ukraine. The idea of the CME as a burned cynic-hokhmache, who could “solve issues”, apparently, coincided with the Moscow gestalt of Ukraine as “Hochma” as a geopolitical misunderstanding. In Kyiv, the Civil Code presented the lack of strategy, although, undoubtedly, he was quite successful in the shadow policy of redistribution of property. The only question is, whose policy was in the end - Russian or Ukrainian?
Undoubtedly, it is the PMC-the focusing figure of the great liberal “molting”-the conversions of the liberal republican of the 1980s into the bureaucratic liberal-reformism of the 1990s, and then the zero. The conversion of 1992 is the exchange of an amorphous, but unreasonable program of the liberal state - for the liberalization of the economy, “plus everything else, but then!”. It was then that of the priorities of the Moscow liberals, legal protection of the personality, humanization of law enforcement, reform of the power structure - then, then, then!
The liberal economy instead of the liberal state is “Monetarism minus freedom”. And it is no coincidence that it was Chernomyrdin, with his party education and the common -Soviet representation of the Hosnome -Mennomenclap about freedom, that he was solving the issue: he, not Chubais and not Gaidar.
The political choice of Chernomyrdin was an existential choice, although this term itself does not fit with a person who expressed it like this: "Do you think that I am far just? - I am far from easy!" However, deciding to reconcile with a new reality, the CME approached the matter very practical. And his strange humor is part of the work of reconciliation, residents of impossible Russia helped to put up with unbearable. This Sardonic CMS humor scattered around the country, as the most convenient of the forms of resistance to the inevitable. Freedom, as obscene reality.