Battle of Kadash

For almost a month now, all the Moscow media have been discussing a scandal around the Church of the Resurrection of Christ in Kadashi - a conflict between the defenders of history and culture monuments and construction investors in the Kadashevskaya settlement. This is the second conflict of the Moscow authorities with the public about the urban planning policy that has occurred recently. The first was the " Act of the General Plan ."

Despite the mass protests of the public, when almost everyone united in the confrontation of the general plan, from the Public Chamber under the President of the Russian Federation to a radical street opposition, the Moscow General Plan was adopted in the third reading of the city Duma and approved by the mayor . Almost immediately after this, the builders hobelly drove after a long break into the Kadashevskaya settlement to continue the demolition of buildings of the late 19th century, despite the fact that for almost five years a dispute about the legality of such demolition has been going on.

The formation of a city -protection coalition

I myself in all these conflicts are not a random person. For more than six years I have been participating in them as a public activist. It all started at the end of 2004 with the struggle to restore the Church of the Transfiguration of the Lord on Novator Street in the Obruchevsky district of Moscow. The history of this struggle is described in detail in my posting in LiveJournal “ Temple on innovators. Certificate-triller . " Soon after the demolition of the building of the former temple, Orthodox activists from Borodino 2012 came to us, who since 2006 have been struggling against the barbaric “reconstruction” of Pushkin Square, planned by the Moscow Government, and for the restoration of a passionate monastery, which had been deployed in the 30s.

Thus began our joint actions. Around the defense of the passionate monastery and the temple on the innovators, a format of a kind of network coalition, uniting activists from Orthodox public organizations, human rights organizations and organizations engaged in the protection of historical, architecture and culture monuments.

Almost such a format developed independently of each other both on Novator Street and on Pushkinskaya Square. From the very beginning, human rights activists from the Russian public movement (Rod), defenders of monuments from the Society for the Study of the Russian Estate (Oir) and the Union of Local Medical Sciences of Russia and Orthodox activists from the Union of Orthodox Brathes (SPC), the Union of Orthodox Brotherhoods (SPb), the Union of Orthodox Citizens (LNS) and the People’s Council and the People’s Council have united.

Orthodox activists from Borodino 2012 and the same “People’s Cathedral”, human rights activists from the Pushkinskaya Square movement, uniting residents of houses on Pushkinskaya Square, who can be evicted, and defenders of monuments from the Old Moscow commission, work together.

Forms of struggle are very diverse. These are specifically Orthodox events-prayers with processions and prayer standing, regularly held on Novator and Pushkin Square Street, rallies with pickets, and subscription campaigns, press conferences, round tables, media publications, etc.

During the joint work, we were not limited only to Pushkin Square and Novator Street. Our activists took fate in the struggle against the demolition of the architectural monument - “Houses with the Rotonda” on Sivtsevo Enchantment and against the eviction of artists from their workshops on the corner of Prechistenka and Lychoko Levshinsky, and against the construction of the house on the site of a radioactive landfill on the corner of Leninsky Prospekt and Maria Ulyanova Street. At the request of the inhabitants of Lublino, we even spent the procession as an expression of the protest of local residents against the transfer of “Cherkizon” there.

Naturally, at some point we decided to “legitimize our relationship”, since we have been working together for a long time. The preparatory work began in the summer of 2009. December 5, 2009, on the anniversary of the battle of Moscow, a solemn signing of coalition documents was carried out at the monument to Pushkin.

"Pushkin Square" as a symbol of unity

We decided to go with a rather non -trivial way, and established two coalitions at the same time - Orthodox and secular. In both cases, we are talking about coalitions, that is, about agreements on joint actions, and not about the creation of a new legal entity, "absorbing" the organizations entering it.

The first coalition is the Orthodox "Transfiguration Brotherhood." The purpose of the brotherhood is to protect the monuments of Orthodox culture in Moscow, the struggle for the return of the church of temples and other religious buildings, destroyed or re -profiled in Soviet times, the struggle for the construction of new temples in those areas of the city where it is necessary, conducting Orthodox local history research and publication of relevant literature. Most of the organizations mentioned above joined the brotherhood.

The tasks of the second coalition are much wider. We called her "Public Coalition of the defenders of Moscow" Pushkinskaya Square "." The main goal of the public coalition is to fight abuse in the urban planning policy pursued in Moscow.

We are all tired of endless point buildings, from the fact that the monuments of history and architecture are massively destroyed and committed, from the fact that almost any house in the center of Moscow can be emergency and demolished, and the residents are evicted to the outskirts, from endless transport traffic jams, from poor air, from the whole city as toxic mushrooms of “trade and entertainment centers”, from The monstrously ugly “works of sculptural art”, installed in the city center, from the equally ugly “elite” houses.

We called our public coalition "Pushkinskaya Square" because we are sure that Pushkin Square is the heart of Moscow . Pushkinskaya Square symbolizes all that beautiful that remains in our city, and for preserving what should be fought.

About 40 organizations entered the public coalition, including almost all of the above. I consider it especially important that the Moscow Council - a public organization that unites dozens of protest initiative groups throughout Moscow entered into a public coalition. Thus, the public coalition today unites a significant part of the human rights, almost all monumental protection and many Orthodox organizations of the city.

Over the past six months, the public coalition organized or took part in five rallies and pickets and one procession, held the awarding ceremony of the defenders of Moscow, held a general meeting of the defenders of Moscow and organized a protest flash-mob “ Black Mettle to the General Plan ”. The public coalition participated in the organization of several events of the Public Chamber under the President of the Russian Federation: a round table in defense of Pushkin Square, a briefing in defense of cadash, public hearings on the general plan.

Now we are conducting a signature campaign to collect signatures under a letter to the President of Russia D.A. Medvedev on the transfer of the Moscow Center to federal subordination with freezing on its territory of the Luzhkovsky general plan. We also plan to challenge the Moscow General Plan in court.

General Plan for destruction

In approved Luzhkov General Plan, all ulcers and troubles of the currently urban planning policy currently currently. The General Plane legitimizes the worst of what is happening now in Moscow, and fixes it for another 15 years. If this general plan is really valid until 2025, then the urban planning catastrophe of Moscow can be considered wealthy.

No wonder the opposition to the general plan united almost all the political forces of the city. So at our May Day rally, conducted under the slogan “No General Plan!” Gathered, in addition to the founders of the rally from the Moscow Council and the public coalition, also representatives of the Communist Party, “Just Russia”, the LDPR, “Yabloko” and “Solidarity”.

Political forces were united against the general plan, which in other conditions may not have handed over to each other-the Communists, Social Democrats, Liberals and Nationalists, Loyal Supporters of the Kremlin, moderate parliamentary opposition and representatives of radical street opposition, politics from the entire political spectrum and absolutely non-partisan human rights activists and defenders of the monuments, Antiklerical atheists and Orthodox fundamentalists.

And it seems especially important to me that the members of the Public Chamber Valery Fadeev, Gleb Pavlovsky and Marat Gelman , known against the Kremlin and Marat Gelman, were extremely sharply opposed to the General Plan of the Kremlin and “United Russia” . It cannot be excluded that after some time the “discussion about the general plan” can also unfold in the Party of Power itself between the same party members of the Moscow mayor.

It seems that the opponents of the general plan are in the Kremlin or, as is customary to express, "in one of its towers." I can’t explain to anything else that a couple of weeks ago, within a few days in a row, in four dozen Internet publications, the reprints of the article by Vera Kholmogorova, which told Dmitry Orlov , who claimed that Yuri Luzhkov would resign in June-July of this year, were posted first. Then, the information was equally massaged in a gap (I note that with gross errors) about the creation of our coalition. A few days later, links to the report of Mikhail Vinogradov were massively posted , in which Yuri Luzhkov was called the most conflict head of the region in Russia. It should be added to this that political scientists Dmitry Orlov and Mikhail Vinogradov have long been known for their proximity to the AP of the Russian Federation.

We can say that the struggle against the general plan led to the folding of real civil generals in our city . This inspires certain hopes that the problems of the Moscow Urban Policy Policy will eventually be resolved without “great shocks”, through negotiations of the public with the Moscow authorities.

City government and city backstage

However, to date, civil society, which develops in Moscow, apparently, is still very weak. In favor of this, the fact that so far, despite all the pressure of the public, the Moscow government continues to "listen and eat." This is especially evident from the fact that almost immediately after the adoption of the General Plan, the Moscow authorities defrosted the conflict around the Kadashi, which had been smoldering for five years .

As a matter of fact, the conflict of the public with the Moscow authorities regarding the development of the Kadashevskaya settlement has been continuing not five, but for more than 15 years. From the Moscow authorities, development projects are regularly resumed, completely unacceptable to the public. The last five years, moving into an acute phase, then fading, the conflict concerned the project of the Five Capitals shopping and entertainment complex. It was about the construction of a six -story removal in the immediate vicinity of the Church of the Resurrection of Christ in Kadashi. Such construction would irreversibly destroy the current architectural ensemble of the district, completely shifting all visual dominants.

Finally, this year, the authorities said that the Pyat Capitals project was canceled, and that only two -story residential buildings will be built in Kadashi, which fit well into the architectural ensemble of the district. These pacifying words, however, were followed by completely peaceful actions. Investors began the demolition of the preserved buildings of the late 19th century. At the same time, all this was carried out without any discussion of a new project and was based on an examination of six years ago and a resolution of the Moscow government based on this examination.

Meanwhile, this examination, and this government decree was adopted before the Church of the Resurrection of Christ was transferred to the Russian Church. They do not take into account the legitimate claims of the Orthodox community to part of the buildings intended for demolition. This is, first of all, the so -called Dyakon's house, which was entering the territory of the parish before the revolution.

The joint requirements of the parish and the public on the establishment of the resurrection of Christ as a federal monument, the security zone around the temple of the Resurrection of Christ are also rejected. And despite the fact that the Kadashevskaya Sloboda is very close to the Moscow Kremlin.

The actual anonymity of the notorious investors exacerbates the situation. About who is behind the attempts to build the Kadashevskaya settlement, there are the most contradictory and, in their most mass,, in my opinion, completely implausible rumors.

I heard, for example, that the “Kadashev investors” represent the interests of the second wife of one very famous Russian oligarch, who is going to “build a cottage village for its friends in the settlement and has already collected money from them”. And the first wife of the same oligarch is opposed to this lady, who, being Orthodox, and, moreover, extremely dissatisfied not so longly divorced from his spouse, finances a church parish and social activists, in alliance with the former lover of the second wife mentioned above.

According to another version, the construction in Kadashi is a very famous entrepreneur and a civil servant, the most famous for his close ties with the totalitarian sect of the Scientologists.

And, finally, the version is distributed that one of several cottage villages is being built in Kadash, where the inhabitants of the “fantasy island” are going to relocate after demolition, which is planned quite soon, which explains the impatience and pressure of the Kadashev investors.

I can’t help but confirm, not to refute any of these versions, but I am completely sure that the conflict around the Kadash would have passed much more peacefully and civilized if the investors finally “opened the face”.

Chronicle of the struggle

The confrontation around Kadashs lasted more than two weeks. All this time, volunteers with a total of 50 to 100 people were on duty in the Kadashev ruins, trying to prevent the continuation of demolition. Now for a week now the “Moor Regime” has been operating, but the duty of volunteers has been continuing to this day. Half of these volunteers are absolutely non -partisan Muscovites who read what was happening on the Kadashi on the Internet or heard about it on TV. The second half of the volunteers are social activists. They belong to a variety of public and political organizations. In this sense, the defenders of Kadash are the current model of the “Moscow Civil Society”, which I already wrote about above.

The most active representatives of the Archnadzor, the Moscow City Council, the Youth Organization of the Just Russia party and the Orthodox youth organization "Bright Rus'" were. The Cossacks were on duty on the ruins for a week, most of which live in Kozelsk near Optina Desert. Our public coalition of the defenders of Moscow “Pushkinskaya Square” also took part in the defense of Kadashi. Several of our young activists were on duty and on duty in Kadashs to this day. In general, the usual situation in the protection of Moscow monuments this year is people who, in other conditions, would not give each other to each other, work together and work, outraged by the arbitrariness of Moscow officials and entrepreneurs.

I was especially pleased with the joint picket of Arkhnadzor and the Moscow Council that had passed a couple of weeks ago in pure ponds in defense of the Kadashi. This, of course, is a very positive progress. Indeed, a couple of months ago, the organizers of the Archnadzor rally on the same pure ponds asked to leave the territory of the rally of representatives of the Moscow City Council and personally his leader Sergei Udaltsov. At the same time, the organizers of the rally referred to the fact that the Moscow City Council was "too politicized." And now the leader of the “apolitical” Archnadzor Rustam Rakhmatullin publicly demands Luzhkov’s resignation.

These are positive results from joint activities, results, Kadashevsky "Battle Brotherhood". In general, the atmosphere in Kadashi is very friendly. The attitude to the volunteers of parishioners and priesthood plays a significant role here. The parish helps volunteers. They regularly remained to spend the night on the territory of the parish. They are regularly fed there. It was especially pleasant to me when I found out that the father of the abbot asked for parish cooks on leaky days to prepare a lean only half of the food, and to cook the second half, "since there are quite a few people of unbelievers or not fasting among our defenders."

The joint forces of the Kadashevsky parish and our Preobrazhensky Brotherhood, that is, permanent parishioners of prayers on a passionate square and on Novator Street, and we spent twice crossings on the territory of the Kadashevskaya settlement. Brothers of the Union of Orthodox Borensers also participated in the second procession. Both processions left me quite strong impressions. When we turned to O. Aleksandra with a request to bless the procession, he answered us that we should start and end in the temple and decided to head our procession himself.

We brought with us the icons of a passionate monastery, and led by Kadashevsky Dyakon with a lantern, under the ringing of bells made a prayer bypass of the Kadashevskaya settlement. On the second procession, O. Aleksandr was already without Dyakon and a bell -up, but I had no less impression, and even stronger. The procession, with the blessing of O. Aleksandra, took place on the day of the memory of St. Luke of the Tauride and was headed by the icon of the saint. Только через несколько дней я узнал, что о.Лука (Войно-Ясенецкий) неоднократно бывал, и, кажется, даже служил в этом храме. Во время этого крестного хода пелись также тропари Патриарху Тихону, Священомученику Илии Кадашевскому и всем новомученикам российским. И это, я должен сказать, было очень сильно.

Кстати, о новомучениках. За день до крестного хода выяснилось, что купец Николай Григорьев , хозяин того самого колбасного цеха в Кадашевской слободе, снос которого пытаются предотвратить дежурящие около храма добровольцы, тоже был новомучеником. Он канонизован в Ярославской епархии как местночтимый святой.

Достижима ли победа?

Что касается итогов кадашевского конфликта, то пока они мне кажутся совершенно непредсказуемыми. В любом случае, я уверен, что приходу и общественности необходимо возобновить усилия по требованиям передачи Дома дъякона с прилегающим земельным участком на баланс прихода и установления охранной зоны вокруг памятника федерального значения – храма Воскресения Христова в Кадашах и палат Оленевых в Кадашах.

Однако исход этих, на мой взгляд, вполне законных и бесспорных требований зависит от множества факторов. Причем, факторов неожиданно крупного масштаба. С одной стороны, все упирается в позицию священноначалия РПЦ, с другой – в баланс сил и интересов вокруг политической судьбы Юрия Лужкова.

Если Московская Патриархия проявит достаточную твердость, то это может чрезвычайно сильно перевесить чашу весов в пользу позиции защитников Кадашей. Такое развитие событий не представляется мне невозможным после неожиданно жесткого письма Управления Московской Патриархии по г.Москве. Однако против такого развития событий говорят слухи о том, что в епархии существуют силы, желающие устранения протоиерея Александра Салтыкова с поста настоятеля храма Воскресения Христова в Кадашах в связи с его «излишним радикализмом».

Второй фактор представляется мне еще более значимым. Как это ни парадоксально, но конфликт вокруг Кадашей оказался концентрированным выражением конфликта вокруг Генплана и отчасти его продолжением другими средствами. А конфликт вокруг Генплана, в свою очередь, является очевидным концентрированным выражением конфликта вокруг московского мэра, и, соответственно продолжением этого конфликта другими средствами.

Как я уже говорил, Генплан, а теперь и Кадаши оказались поводами, сплотившими против Лужкова практически все общественные и общественно-политические силы Москвы, кроме «Единой России» , да и то не целиком. Такое политическое давление можно определить как принуждение к переговорам. А предметом переговоров, естественно, являются сроки и условия будущей отставки Лужкова . Произойдет ли она в законные сроки, а то и чуть позже, в выигрышных для Лужкова обстоятельствах, или нет.

И вопрос о Кадашах является, как мне кажется, разменной картой на этих переговорах. Как я уже однажды писал, Генплан является для Лужкова предпоследним эшелоном обороны, а последним – московский строительный комплекс . Поэтому судьба Кадашей, на мой взгляд, в наибольшей мере зависит от того, удастся ли недоброжелателям Лужкова в Кремле конвертировать общественную деятельность критиков Генплана и защитников Кадашей в бронебойный аргумент, способный нарушить сегодняшнее хрупкое московское политическое равновесие так, чтобы это ощутил Юрий Михайлович.

Таким образом, речь идет о двух, достаточно взаимосвязанных и, при этом, достаточно парадоксальных вещах.

First. Для достижения любого, даже минимального, успеха по Кадашам и Генплану необходим продолжать крепить то « единство необъединяемого », которое сложилось сегодня в московской политике. Без продолжения политики «функциональной коалиции» власти и оппозиции никакой успех невозможен. Ни Кремль без оппозиции, ни оппозиция без Кремля не смогут в одиночку ничего добиться. И эта «необходимость единства» вселяет, скажем так, «некоторые надежды» на будущее гражданского общества и гражданского согласия в нашем городе и нашей стране.

Second. Когда мы требуем отставки Лужкова, мы отнюдь не всегда имеем своей целью отставку Лужкова. Гораздо чаще мы пытаемся принудить «коллективного Лужкова» к переговорам и уступкам по Генплану, Кадашам или, скажем, Пушкинской площади . Но, к сожалению, как показывает опыт, без требования отставки Лужкова, никакое принуждение к переговорам оказывается невозможным.

Вообще, личность Лужкова меня, в некотором отношении просто поражает. Гениальный в некоторых отношениях политик с фантастической чувствительностью ко многим нюансам явно имеет «слепые пятна» относительно которых он просто «теряет нюх». Политик, настроенный на завоевание поддержки среднего класса, искренне исповедующий социал-демократические убеждения, проявляет фантастическую слепоту и глухоту к базовым ценностям своего «слоя поддержки» Не понимать, что вырубка деревьев на Пушкинской площади или, скажем, замена фонтана в Старопушкинском сквере на автопарковку чудовищно оскорбительно для московского среднего класса и не компенсируется никакими социальными доплатами, это – говоря языком немецких порнофильмов «ист фантастиш!»

Собственно, в этом и заключается основная проблема «битвы за Москву». Очень не хотелось бы получить вместо Лужкова гораздо более хищного и антисоциального мэра, но и терпеть выходки Лужкова в сфере «архитектуры и культуры» уже просто невозможно. Так что борьба, в определенном смысле ведется не только «против Лужкова», но и «за Лужкова». Однако, способен ли понять это сам Лужков – это, как говорится «вот в чем вопрос».