Right and left bank of the Dniester

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Russian language

When, in the early 90s, Moldova gained independence, the Russian and Russian-speaking had a hard time living there. The parting words "Suitcase - Station - Russia" was the most harmless of what it was heard to those who did not know the Moldavian language. They could insult for Russian speech, but they could have been beaten on the street or in public transport.

The language question has become one of the reasons for the bloody Transnistrian conflict that happened in the spring and summer of 1992. At the expense of why Chisinau with a tipepol quickered, there are several versions. The most common of them says that their paths were dispersed due to the language. More precisely, because of the alphabet. In 1989, the Moldavian parliament, headed by the candidate of agricultural sciences of Mirchei Snegur, adopted the law on the translation of the Moldavian language from Cyrillic to the Latin schedule.

In Transnistria, where both then and now the number of Russians was comparable with the number of Moldovan, and the number of Russian -speaking ones almost doubled the number of those for whom the Moldovan language was native, did not agree with this approach. In Tiraspol, the new law on the language was met by the massive strikes of factory workers and the unwillingness to execute the "anti -Russian decrees". The factories rose, tens of thousands of people poured into the streets of other Transnistrian cities, requiring the territory on the left bank of the Dniester status of autonomy. If on the streets of Chisinau was beaten for Russian speech, then in Transnistria at that time they could deprive their teeth for saying in Moldavian.

After the months of verbal skirmishes with Chisinau, endless rallies, sessions and resolutions, on September 2, 1990, at a meeting with the bulky name "Extraordinary Congress of Deputies of all levels" in Tiraspol announced the creation of the Transdniester Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic as part of the USSR. Her appearance was the answer to the “parade of sovereignty”, when the republics, which were part of the Soviet Union, one after another announced their independence and independence from Moscow. The USSR scattered before our eyes, but the authorities of Tiraspol, who refused to believe in the death of the empire, decided to swear allegiance to the already doomed advice. And at the same time to separate from Moldova, part of which the Transnistria has been since 1940.

The culmination of the confrontation between the two parts of one small republic was an armed conflict.

The Transnistrian conflict

The war finally divorced the right and left bank of the Dniester. And further the Language issue, Chisinau and Tiraspol solved each in their own way. The authorities of Moldova from the very beginning recorded in the Constitution that the Moldavian language on the basis of Latin graphics is state -owned in this country. True, despite this in Chisinau, for many years another dispute does not subside - in what language Moldovans speak: in Moldavian or still in Romanian? There are no special disputes about the Russian language. Back in 1989, it was endowed with the honorary status of the language of interethnic communication and taught both in Russian schools, which in Moldova are many and in Moldavian as a foreign one. Nobody seriously tried or tries to make Russian second state language in Moldova, unlike neighboring Ukraine. Russians and Russian -speaking, who do not intend to leave this republic, learn the state language and, as the Moldovans themselves recognize, often speak better than its native speakers in Moldavian.

In Transnistria, meanwhile, they approached the linguistic issue creatively. The authorities of the unrecognized republic approved three languages ​​as state at once: Russian, Ukrainian and Moldavian. Moreover, Moldavian in the peak of Chisinau based on the Cyrillic alphabet. The Transnistrian leadership is very proud that equal conditions for the development of three Gosyaziks have been created in the republic. True, everyone gives preference to Russian - he certainly dominates the media, in politics, in household communication. The proof that no one oppresses the other two languages ​​is three -language road signs with the names of settlements and signs with the names of state institutions. One way or another, but officially in Transnistria it is supposed to believe that the language issue is resolved once and for all.

Russian media

In Moldova there is no shortage of Russian -speaking media. On all rating television channels, news releases in the state language are also duplicated in Russian. Almost every channel has a popular Russian-speaking current show. Often you can observe how experts and politicians argue with each other in the language in the language that they have better.

It is generally accepted that about a third of the country's population speaks in Russian in Moldova (according to the census conducted in 2004, 3.38 million people lived in Moldova at that time). But it is unlikely that anyone will name the exact figure. Russian -speaking youth, as a rule, speaks at Moldavian. Those who attribute themselves to Moldovans or Romanians also often speak Russian, especially if they grew up under the Soviet Union. There are enough those who know Russian, but does not fundamentally speak on it, calling the "language of the invaders."

Now in Moldova a segment of Internet media is growing rapidly. And information Internet resources, applying for coverage of the maximum audience, as a rule, have Moldavian and Russian versions. In Moldova, a dozen Russian -speaking newspapers and magazines are also published. Moreover, along with Russian brands such as Komsomolskaya Pravda and Arguments and Facts (both newspapers have prefixes in Moldova), there are local and very popular print media here, such as the Chisinau observer, the Panorama or Economic Promination newspaper.

Compared to Russia, the media in Moldova is much more freedom - on television, in press, on the Internet. True, this does not mean that politicians have become more responsible. The scandalous publication in the media about the violation of the law or the suspicious tender does not always follow the reaction of law enforcement agencies. Another feature of the Moldavian media market - information resources, online or paper, often do not even hide their political and even geopolitical engagement. The media, with rare exceptions, are clearly divided into pro -Russian and Proruminsky. And have appropriate sources of financing.

Russian parties

Politicians in Moldova attach great importance to relations with Moscow. Some make political capital to accuse Russia of all troubles, others have a push that Moldavia will have success awaiting with "great Russia" only with "great Russia.

Not so long ago, a demonopolization of pro -Russianism occurred in Moldavian politics. For a long time, almost the only defender of the interests of the Russian and Russian -speaking ones, it was believed to be the Party of Communists, led by its leader Vladimir Voronin. While the Communists were in power, no one could compete with them in terms of pro -Russian. Even when in 2005, after a quarrel with Moscow, the Communist Party announced a strategic priority a course on the integration of Moldova in the EU, the Russian -speaking electorate continued to see "his" in the communists.

In 2009, the Communist Party lost power, and pro -Russian parties of the left -wing part began to appear on the political landscape. They are created by the former associates of Voronin, who left his Communist Party for their own political projects. So, the young ex-communist Igor Dodon created his own party of socialists, and the authoritative communist with experience Vadim Mishin led the party "Renaissance". Both of them are often found with the Kremlin officials who oversee the post -Soviet space, and their one -party members are flaunting that Moscow supports these projects not only politically, but also financially. However, no one considers these parties to be serious political players - they are heard only because their leaders are now sitting in parliament, where they were on the lists of the Communist Party. The chances of being in the legislative body of the next convocation for them are zero.

Although the Communists lost the authorities in 2009, they still remain one of the most influential political forces in the country and the largest opposition party. They have become the main critics of the process of Kishinev’s rapprochement with the EU and, of course, the alliance in Moldova "For European integration". The Communist Party is now calling the country not to European, but to the Customs Union supervised by Moscow. Thus, the Communists, in fact, returned to what they had once started: in 2001, the “Reds” received unlimited power in Moldova under the slogan entering the Union of Russia and Belarus. The slogan, as it is easy to guess, remained a slogan. Nevertheless, the Communists still support the majority.

In Transnistria, "pro -Russianity" plays not just a significant, but a decisive role. All, without exception, the parties existing in the Republic and socio-political movements advocate the unification of the unrecognized republic with Russia. There is no anti -Russian forces here and cannot be - any criticism of Moscow would become political suicide. To hate neighboring Moldova and firmly love the distant Russia of the Transnistrians from childhood. Local schools teach the "History of Russia" and "History of Transnistria" - and no hint of "History of Moldova". For 20 years, a generation has grown in the republic, convinced that this land has always been Russian and has never been part of Moldova of its own free will. In 2006, when the third referendum on independence was already in the republic, its main slogan was the words: "Remember - we are not Moldova." Under this phrase, 99% of the population then voted for the independence of the republic with its subsequent accession to Russia.

Russian citizenship

Which definitely does not depend on the political conjuncture is the line in the Russian consulate in Chisinau. Between the Russian Federation and Moldova, a visa -free regime operates. But the consulate is always crowded. Many people dream of obtaining a Russian passport, which gives the right to work legally in Russia - both Russians living in Moldova and Moldovans, Gagauza, Ukrainians.

Especially massive Russian citizenship was distributed and distributed in Transnistria. Of the 400 thousand people there, 170 thousand are already citizens of the Russian Federation, despite the fact that last year it was about 140 thousand. Since Transnistrian passports are not recognized in any country in the world, each Pridnztr is trying to acquire an international recognized document. Fortunately, Russia and Ukraine, which have always sought to strengthen their influence here, willingly distribute citizenship to everyone.

Particularly quick -witted strokes have long turned this into a profitable business and make good money on those who do not have legal grounds to become a Ukrainian or a Russian. A few years ago, a Russian passport in Transnistria could be purchased within a month, paying 2-2.5 thousand dollars. A comparable price was set for citizenship of Ukraine. A lively trade is still ongoing. The only thing that has changed is prices.

But the Moldovan passport can get the Transnistrians completely free: Chisinau, who does not lose hope of regaining this territory, supplies all those who wish Moldovan citizenship. It is not surprising that almost every Pridnetr, besides a local passport, also has Moldavian, Russian or Ukrainian. And often a collection of all four passports. After all, the only thing that the consulates of Ukraine and Russia are required for those who wish to receive a Ukrainian or Russian identity card is a certificate of the absence of Moldovan citizenship.

Russian business

The Transnistria overtook Moldova not only in the number of Russians, but also in the presence of Russian business. It so happened that most large enterprises built in Moldova, when it entered the USSR, ended up on the left bank of the Dniester - that is, on the territory of Transnistria. Many of them were erected with a Soviet scope - they were huge and at that time super -modern. A giant metallurgical plant in the city of Rybnitsa and now melts metal, which is exported. The Kirov Tiraspol plant was the only one in the USSR, where they were engaged in accurate casting cars. And also "Elektromash", "Moldavizolit", textile factories, powerful power plants in Dubossary and Dniester. In total, in Transnistria, one and a half hundred enterprises. Someone is sure that Moscow specially concentrated such an industrial potential here. In case of Moldova, if she wants to once leave the Soviet Union, she remained with nothing. Whether such a cunning and far -sighted plan existed, in fact, it is not known for certain. But it is known that now large Transnistrian enterprises are controlled by Russian capital. Rybnitsky Metallurgical Plant - oligarch Alisher Usmanov, Moldavian GRES - RAO "UES", Bender "Device" is part of the Russian concern "Salyut". Of the large Russian campaigns leading things in Moldova, Gazprom and Lukoil can be called. The first owns half of the joint, Moldovan-Russian, gas transportation enterprise "Moldovagaz", and the second owns a network of gas stations. Russian businessmen and authorities have repeatedly stated that they would be happy to invest even more in the Moldovan economy, hinting at assets such as the state -owned enterprise "Moldavian Railway", Chisinau International Airport and others. But Chisinau is not in a hurry to declare the privatization of these objects.

ROC and MPC

But Russia has a strategically important asset in Moldova - the Orthodox Church of Moldova (PCM) related to the Moscow Patriarchate. In a country whose 93% of the population consider themselves Orthodox, such a presence automatically becomes a political lever. Not so long ago, Russia tried to use the church for political purposes. During the parliamentary elections in 2010, the PCM, securing the support of Moscow church hierarchs, supported the party of humanists, led by the former main Chekist of Moldova, Valery Pasat. The experiment turned out to be unsuccessful: despite the full support of the church, expressed in direct agitation for the party of Pasat, Metropolitan Chisinau and all Moldova, Vladimir, the humanists as a result did not go to parliament.

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