Mikhail Amosov

The host of the St. Petersburg hour of the Liberty Live program Viktor Rezunkov: Political Petersburg these days became like a disturbed anthill. In the city, the election campaign starts. We will talk about the election of presidential, parliamentary and governor today with the deputy of the Legislative Assembly, the leader of the Petersburg organization of the Yabloko party, Mikhail Amosov. Mikhail Ivanovich, before talking about the elections, I would like to ask you about the discussion of a single candidate from democratic forces for president. Today a meeting will be held, as if a meeting of the political councils of the ATP and "Yabloko" at which this issue will be discussed, so I would like to ask you what you think on this issue?

Mikhail Amosov: My point of view is that in general this topic is completely irrelevant, untimely. Why, in fact, such an initiative arose? Before the end of the current president, two more years. As they say, still work and work. And I think now to assess what has been done and what has not been done by Putin is quite premature, and even more so to agree who will be a candidate against Putin. This does not contribute to solving those problems. Which are faced with the country and in the decision of which the right -wing forces should participate in the broad sense of the word and the Democratic Party of the "Apple" to which I belong, and the ATP, and in the decision of which the president should participate. It seems to me that the possibilities for some influence on the President’s course on the part of the right forces, by the Yabloko party, are not exhausted, and this proposal, as it seems to me, is only harmful to possible, completely not in time to polarize the situation in the political space. So, frankly, I would like this topic to be closed, as soon as possible and for a fairly long time.

Viktor Rezunkov: Still, I would like to continue it, the fact is that I do not see, for example, opposition on the right flank of the president of the current government. I understand that one thing is the position of the ATP, but the "Yabloko" - on what issues do you disagree, for example, with the policy of Vladimir Putin?

Mikhail Amosov: At the last meeting of the Federal Council of Yabloko, we just discussed, checked, as they say, our positions, and the common opinion is approximate: that the shift that occurred in the president’s foreign policy after September 11 is important for us, this orientation towards rapprochement with the West has become obvious to all. This is very important and, moreover, for example, I think that this cannot but affect domestic politics. Because these are related processes - foreign and domestic policy. One way or another, entering the world community, striving in the WTO, approaching Europe, establishing some new mechanisms of relations with NATO, we, as a country, must comply with certain standards in the field of economics, in the field of law, in the field of human rights, freedom of the media, and so on. And already moving to this, we can say where the general and where there are some discrepancies, where the problem areas in domestic politics.

The situation is this. Perhaps, if we talk about the economy, there are many points of contact, in the end, a line to lower taxes, the one that has recently been drawn by Putin and the government, the line that the Yabloko proposed many years ago. We are glad that, finally, we managed to reach out to the executive branch, here I will say that, maybe this is not quite what we would like, but the tendency is true. The same applies to many economic points, although the trend is true, but many things could be done more decisive and better. But there are problem areas. First of all, this applies to the media, and I believe that in our country does not actually exist that genuine freedom of speech that should be. On the largest media, I mean, first of all, television channels - they are controlled by almost everything by the state, there are simply forbidden topics, and they are not discussed. For example, the theme of military reform, it would seem, is discussed in the press, but, in fact, the point of view that I adhere to and which, by the way, adhere to many officers of our army, whom I encounter as a deputy - the point of view that we should refuse half measures, from palliatines, that we must resolutely embark on the path of creating a professional army, that the system of set into the army that is now trying to maintain using the law. About alternative civil service, more precisely, about alternative slavery - this is all completely unacceptable, it will not work, it will be a coastal army that will simply devour the resources of our state. This topic is seriously not discussed by the media, and the point of view that I set out does not sound on the main Russian television channels, not by chance, I think. In this area, we have problems.

We have problems related, let’s say, with spyingomania. This is a very problematic area. In general, the topic of what our special services do, how much they intervene in some processes in society, this topic is also not discussed, and it should have been discussed, because not everything is in order here. It is enough to recall the role that the special services played at one time when organizing the First Chechen War, this was simply a provocative role, in my opinion, and in general, no one answered for this, apparently, they said thanks for this provocative role. There are topics that share, I believe, the Democratic Party of Yabloko and, say, the presidential administration, many there. And, ultimately, we are talking about whether we are ready, as the state, to release society from control? Are we ready to do the opposite to make the state controlled by society? This is about. We believe that society is primary, and it should be quite free in relation to this state, and the state should serve this society. But we know that the centuries -old practice of Russian life is opposite. The state tightly controls social processes, organizes many of them, and this does not correspond to the modern world, and the countries where relations have been built cannot, ultimately, develop as successfully as countries, where freedom of society and human freedom in the first place.

Victor Rezunkov: Mikhail Ivanovich, let's now talk about elections to the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. Firstly, I would still like to decide on the date. There is an opinion that this will be in December, there is an opinion that even in February, when will they take place?

Mikhail Amosov: I believe that, based on the accepted changes to the charter of the city, this date should be on December 8. The Legislative Assembly should be elected before the current one stops working, it is very important that not a single day remains without a legislative body. That is, I claim that the date will be December 8th.

Victor Rezunkov: That is, in theory, the elections will be held according to the old scheme, and not according to the new election law that has now been adopted?

Mikhail Amosov: No, why many provisions of this law will be valid. Unfortunately, those provisions that will come in the middle of 2003 will not act. These provisions are associated with the final formation of a system in Russia, based on political parties. I will remind you that by this moment political parties will be designed, and only they will be able to continue to participate actively in the elections, and from mid-2003 in all Russian parliaments, a system will be introduced in all regions when at least half of the deputies is elected on party lists, as it is now in the State Duma. But, unfortunately, this rule does not yet apply to the St. Petersburg Parliament of the next convocation.

Victor Rezunkov: Mikhail Ivanovich, July 4 in St. Petersburg, the leader of the ATP Irina Khakamada announced the intention to create an anti-governor coalition with the ATP, "Yabloko" and "United Russia", how do you evaluate this idea?

Mikhail Amosov: I will make a little remark. When we are talking about some ideas, let's look every time about how consistently it is. It seems to me that the latest statements by the ATP leaders are simply full of contradictions. What I mean. Look, Nemtsov offers Yabloko and ATP to search for a presidential candidate. But let me, members of the ATP work in the administration of the current president. Then Mr. Kiriyenko must probably stop being a representative of the president in the Volga district, Chubais must leave the RAO UES, in fact, a state -owned company that obeys the president. Be consistent, gentlemen. There is a certain strangeness in this story. And in the proposal of Irina Hakamada to create an anti -governor's block with the participation of United Russia, too, there is such a strangeness. I immediately want to say that in our joint work with the ATP in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg, everything is fine here, we really occupy in the St. Petersburg Legislative Assembly, as well as the ATP, an independent position for the governor, we often vote against his proposals, we can say that we are the opposition party in the St. Petersburg Legislative Assembly. And, by the way, in the Legislative Assembly there are no stable majority for those who support the governor, or those who criticize him, such a balance of forces, and, by the way, is good.

And, returning to the Hakamad’s proposal: everything is wonderful, Yabloko and the ATP are ready for cooperation, we have already held a large tour of the newspaper on the question of that our candidates do not encounter, so that we do not interfere with each other in the elections, we have common, there is a difference, but most importantly - that we are united by the voter. We know that he simply demands that he does not stand this choice, an apple or ATP, and we can do it along with the ATP, but the situation is very complicated with United Russia. What can be the anti -governor's position for United Russia if the governor Yakovlev himself is a member of United Russia and is included in the governing bodies of this party at the federal level. Something is wrong here. I do not exclude any agreements with Russia on private issues, but it is already too much to say that it is an anti-governor block. It seems to me that, first of all, it is necessary that United Russia understand his inner relationships, by the way, therefore, Mr. Solonin so dramatically assesses the situation before the elections in St. Petersburg.

Victor Rezunkov: But you disagree with him?

Mikhail Amosov: This is a normal situation before all elections. Of course, everyone is preparing. Of course, the elections will be very hot heavy. I agree that the St. Petersburg elections really set a certain tone in some ways, give a certain start even federal elections, because a year after our elections, elections are held in the State Duma. According to the experience of past years, I know that our elections will cover the world funds of information, in 1998, even Australian television was interviewed, such an amazing case when regional elections in St. Petersburg attract such attention. The elections are really important, of course, there will be a very serious struggle, but, returning to the proposal of the Khakamada, I also think that it is not well thought out, let's say so.

Victor Rezunkov: In general, you feel some attention from Moscow, from some political Moscow circles, and if so, where where?

Mikhail Amosov: Yes. Of course, I can tell you that the main problem of organizing elections in our country is that not only political parties are actively engaged in elections, but they are created for this, not only those who want to participate, but also administrative structures. This is the administration of the governor, the city administration, this is an embassy, one way or another, will be drawn into it. Honestly, I don't like it. I believe that while we have the so -called administrative resource in the election, until then we can say that the elections are not quite free, because in general the administrative resource should not be used in the civilized plan in the elections.

Victor Rezunkov: Mikhail Ivanovich, but in the light of this confrontation between the governor and the plenipotentiary can we expect that the administrative resource in the upcoming elections will be quite impressive?

Mikhail Amosov: I'm afraid yes.

Viktor Rezunkov: How, at all, they say, no amounts are called how much the deputy’s chair costs in the Legislative Assembly?

Mikhail Amosov: You know, this is such a thing depends on who makes this assessment, on who is running, so there is no such standard value here.

Victor Rezunkov: I recall that in the past parliamentary elections in St. Petersburg, certain amounts were called and said that there are entire companies that almost turnkey hand over a chair.

Mikhail Amosov: Usually the numbers are still called high. These very people who earn them in this case, image makers, political technologists and so on, are just overstating them in the press, it is beneficial for them to exist that the elections are super -expensive. This is expensive, of course, always, but those figures that they call, I think, are exaggerated in most cases.

Victor Rezunkov: If we talk about parties and movements - as, in your opinion, between which parties and movements the main struggle will unfold. I understand, to make forecasts is an ungrateful occupation, but, nevertheless, if you imagine what can happen on this political field?

Mikhail Amosov: Firstly, I think that a list more distinct than in past years will really be formed, which will focus on the governor. Maybe it will not be decorated as some kind of socio-political movement, but I do not even exclude this. Well, all the federal parties, I mean both the "apple" and the ATP, we will try not to interfere with each other in specific districts, but, apparently, there will be two separate campaigns, "United Russia", that is, all parties will participate in this. A large number of people, as it were, will participate independent. But here it is always necessary to remember that these people are associated with someone, with some groups, with some, perhaps lobbying structures, maybe some kind of economic structures, or maybe with criminal ones, this also happens, and simply do not declare these connections. Therefore, I adhere to the point of view that there may simply be no independent deputies, except for the deputy Shchelkanov, but Alexander Alexandrovich is such a unique phenomenon, he was the chairman of the City Council in the early 90s, and he can therefore afford such independence. I can say about the rest that people are necessarily connected, either with parties, what is right, because these are public structures, or with some shadow structures.