Resident error

Revolution is when Putin's abyss is behind Putin

It must have begun in Dresden in 1989, from the incident, which he and ten years later remembered reluctantly. The revolutionary crowd, which has just defeated the local department "Stasi", is approaching the mansion on Angelikashtrasse - the building of the KGB of the USSR. They are busy with business, the documents are burning, and this is the trouble: the rebels of the Germans can burst and intervene in the process. But the help did not come, they didn’t send reinforcements, and he was almost alone, armed only with “Kalash” and Schiller’s language, persuades former friends in the social camp to move away from the fence.

Then he forever understood for himself: the revolution is when the abyss is behind. When your indestructible union crumbled, and you are alone by the crowd. Moreover, it does not matter which of you are right - you are with your empire that has come up to the whole world or they are disagreed citizens who went to the square. It is important that you are very scared, and they have fun. It is important that they are free, and you have an order.

On that day, he hated the revolution, and we can only guess about what feelings he defended her in August. But it is known what tasks he set for himself and began to solve when fate suddenly exalted him to the Kremlin throne. In the end, all its political actions, from the destruction of independent TV to the abolition of the governor’s elections after Beslan, were aimed at suppressing, dictated by hatred and fear.

For the sake of the fact that his special propagandists will call "stability", he built his unprecedented regime. With the Chekists set to roof state corporations, foreign branches of the Lake Cooperative, total surveillance of opposition and drainage in the controlled press. And in the same stylistics, which combined intimidation and blackmail, espionage and spyanomania, he pursued an international policy. Especially in those countries where the main geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century erupted.

Sometimes with his unique political technologies he was ridiculous - as in Ukraine in 2004, where the whole army of Russian counter -revolutionaries "landed". Gleb Pavlovsky, who had now called, urged the Ukrainians to “not resist the inevitable” and vote as Moscow should, and then loudly complained that the revolutions were “not given in the face on time”. The President of the Russian Federation himself tirelessly visited the neighboring state, with all his might supporting Kuchma and his protege, and immediately after the elections he congratulated Yanukovych on the victory for a long time, could not stop at all ... The victory of the “Orange” became his personal tragedy, and one of the associates of the National Piliary was hardly mistaken, that “Vladimir Vladimirovich would never forgive the West for his humiliation of his humiliation. Ukraine ". He did not forgive, and the real cooling of relations with Europe and America, contrary to all the future "reboots", began precisely then, and not today, when the whole world is anxious in the events in Moscow.

Today he is again alone with his long -standing fears. The revolution, which he pressed in the bud at the beginning of the happy zero, suddenly spilled out onto the streets, and the worst thing for him is that he himself was guilty. In the last millennium in Dresden, he was only a screw of a broken car, a hostage to other people's games. Now he is personally involved in the collapse of Russia, he played with these "rocks" and "Banderalogs", arrests and searches, nauseating propaganda designed for idiots. And the stronger his hatred of the disagreements that he himself gave rise to them. The first generation of people who are not crushed by poverty, sober, educated, mocking, do not want to live in the state that he built - with his elections, special services, cops, courts and amendments to the laws. They are really offended, and this process can be slowed down, but it is impossible to stop.

Nevertheless, he is truly dangerous, and this is all clear people who dream of another Russia-without him. The scene from the last millennium resumes, only in new decorations and in another place, and the people around are not at all German, and the plot looks much worse. Behind them is a future that is not yet visible even in the most powerful binoculars, and behind it is the whole power of the state, and it seems that the forces are unequal and the finale is predictable. Only now Russia - the country is so unpredictable that you should be worried about any forecasts. Even infinitely gloomy, from which you can’t brush off, you barely remember him, a man from the Dresden residency.