The "bear" was covered with a cap:

Having engaged in the "Fatherland" with "unity", the Russian bureaucracy ended with a political split in its ranks. In truth, the crack, formed in 1999 and cutting the ruling class in two, began to get rid of immediately, as soon as Boris Yeltsin began to transfer affairs to the throne. And after the Duma elections, the separate existence of the Party of Putin and the Party of Luzhkov-Primakov was justified only by the memories of recent hostility and considerations of decency: it is inconvenient to fraternize the day after the fight. Today it is already convenient, and the rival friends with a pure heart admitted that they had nothing to share, but to butt for a fun - the situation does not allow.

The process of political consolidation of the ruling elite on the "bear" of the Luzhkovsky cap is apparently not over. The project “Party of the Putin majority”, drawn in the Kremlin KB (see “OG” No. 14), intends to drain all political units loyal to the president into one bottle, but after the self -destruction of the “Fatherland” this is already a purely technical task. Judging by the statements of the leaders of the deputy groups "Regions of Russia" and "People's Deputy", they are ready to join the presidential party even today. Thus, the parliamentary majority to which Vladimir Putin has a de facto will gain the status of a “legal entity”, which will simplify the operational management of the presidential clientele and will avoid new exacerbations of the intraspecific struggle.

For those who do not enter the “party of the majority” (or - who will not be accepted there), this, of course, is bad news. The Communists, who will no longer need to bargain with the Kremlin, can take away two or three Duma committees and even the post of speaker (giving it, for example, Evgeny Primakov). It will become worse for the small -caliber parties of the right wing: the more united the bureaucracy acts, the more difficult it is to the right -wing to peel off their orphanes from its cake. But, strictly speaking, these are their difficulties. In public being, the procedure for the distribution of the Duma seats, as a rule, is not reflected.

Yes, of course, the designed party terribly looks at the CPSU. Not ideologically, of course, but structurally and functionally - as an estate party of nomenclature. But what is so special? You might think that the country has still lived under some other party! The gathering of pro -presidential forces is not a redrawing of a political map, but just a simplification of it. Fictive boundaries, false travel, contours of fake villages are removed. The picture of our multi -party life becomes clearer and more accessible for unprofessional examination. And this is an undoubted good. Instead of a bunch of movements and associations, regularly changing the marking and supporting the president, it is clearly, then secretly, now completely and completely, then partially, it is more convenient to deal with one party that openly rules the country. At least, citizens will know exactly who "winter has passed, summer has come." The same applies to the opposition: one really opposition party is better than several groups of Front, whose relations with the authorities and with each other are so complex and changeable that the normal voter from their strategy and tactics “the roof rides”.

From the point of view of public benefit, it would be good if the “Party of the Presidential majority” created by the LDPR and the ATP, if it had not been shy to proclaim herself the ruling, and Vladimir Putin stopped pretending to be “president of all Russians” and decided on his part -time. This will not shake the foundations of the political system, but it will make it transparent and generally perplexed. For the same purpose, all the pro -presidential factions and groups acting in the Duma would be good to merge into one, and the communist Seleznev should be replaced by the representative of the Duma majority. And hencefect not to corrupt the opposition with royal gifts - let it gain her happiness in the struggle.

I can’t believe it, however, that the authorities are going to go so far. Her calculation is mundane selfish. The Kremlin simply wants to blind a party that will be able to collect all 60-65 percent of Russians who support Putin in the vote election. But you never know what anyone wants! The authors of the project think that when combining several quasi -people today, their electorate automatically add up. And that Putin’s rating will forever cut in the skies. And this is not a very scientific hypothesis (see material on page 7). It is more likely to be another outcome: concentrating and centralizing the pro -presidential forces, the Kremlin party -standers, not wanting it themselves, will free up additional space for the opposition. Just because the “bear in the cap” will not be able to take as many votes as the “bear” and “cap” gathered, speaking separately. So the opposition, if she wants to win, and not to serve, has a chance to expand her ghetto. It is very difficult to deal with the enemy, who to the question: "Are you for Putin or against?" - He answers: "I am for centrism with a human face." Even for Americans, who are offered 200 and the same menu from two parties, it is important that one party has a Bush face, and the other has a mountain. True, we have not faces, but masks, but if there are fewer, and coloring is easier, it will still be beneficial, because they will be easier to distinguish.