Demand for Stepashin

Nikolai Petrakov

Nikolai Petrakov does not have to love or hate power. But any normal person wants to understand her actions. When she acts unmotivated, without visible benefit and logic, citizens are trying to conceive for those in power, suspecting them of a particularly perverted cunning. This is a protective reaction of public consciousness to the madness of power. Today, no one in Russia wants to believe that the Kremlin simply missed the invasion of Chechen fighters in Dagestan. How could this be missed? After all, they had long warned that they would attack. So the matter is unclean. Someone heard from someone that shortly before that, the chief of the presidential administration, Alexander Voloshin, in the French resort, secretly saw Shamil Basayev. Then a rumor passed: the sortie of Chechens funded Berezovsky. Why is it to him? And then, that Putin in Dagestan will definitely disgrace, and then Boris Abramovich will call the Lebed from Krasnoyarsk, appoint him prime minister, he will break up with the Chechen invaders in three days, the people will admire and carry the general to the presidential chair in their hands. So the blue dream of the current inhabitants of the Kremlin about the "manual president", the heir to Yeltsin, will come true. Another popular reason for the construction of versions is the hasty exile of Stepashin. If it is not clear what they took off for, you need to think about - why. Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Nikolai Petrakov proposes his understanding of the causes and goals of this resignation. The author emphasizes: his version is based not on undercover information, not on rumors, but on the analysis of public facts. Our president really like the role of "unpredictable." He plays her with inspiration. Fascinated spectators (they are also politicians), like children, believe in this mysterious unpredictability of a political magician who can get an endless amount of premieres from their cylinder. And what if it is assumed in the actions of the president not a “clinic”, but logic? If the president, congratulating the premiere on a brilliant statement in the Duma, speaks out in the spirit that, they say, you will work before the fall, and there we will see, then analysts, of course, are free to regard this as a manifestation of senile insanity. But after all, behind this meaningful phrase, a well -thought -out, designed for several months in advance, the action plan designed. Having learned about the creation of the Fatherland Bloc - “All of Russia”, Boris Nikolaevich throws to reporters: “We must think tightly ... so as not to lose.” To whom he is going to not lose, it is clear to the child. Three days later, after thinking tightly, Yeltsin makes the "Rocky" Stepashin - Putin. On the same day, Putin states that Stepashin has huge political potential - once; The president has no complaints about the former prime minister - two; Yeltsin wants to create a new political configuration - three. Literally at the same time, Boris Nemtsov live on Echo of Moscow invites Stepashin to become the first number in the list of “right -handed”. Something is poorly believed in the accident of all these statements. Rather, we are dealing with the implementation of a multi -route political combination. I'll try to argue my assumption. At the same time, I am not going to refer to overheard telephone conversations or anonymous sources in the Kremlin now, as it is fashionable now, and I will use purely analytical methods. It is known that the politicians close to the "family" are burdened with one care - to stay with power as long as possible. This goal, some of them believe, can be achieved exclusively by forceful decisions, while others give the palm of the championship political decisions. The courtiers with a criminal type of thinking who prefer to live according to concepts, and not by laws, of course, see a way out in the introduction of a state of emergency, the abolition (transfer) of the elections, the “third term”, etc. The officials close to the throne, trying to maintain a democratic image, categorically disagree with such a policy. They understand (as in 1996) that the Extraordinary and the transfer of elections, firstly, will be extremely painfully perceived in the West (both in the sense of trenches and in the sense of political lawlessness), and secondly, such a delay does not solve the main thing-smooth transfer of power to those who will leave the current puppeteers under power. Therefore, in contrast to the power, a scheme of the political solution to the problem is put forward. Its essence is to hold the elections, as a result of which the right will take a worthy place in the legitimate authorities - the State Duma and the Council of the Federation. And here, supporters of the political resolution of the issue faced a situation where an excess of money for an election campaign is adjacent to a shortage of candidates, at least a little acceptable for the masses of voters. I think that Chubais's hair stirred on his head when the political council (or what else they have) of the “right -handed business” nominated Nemtsov - Fedorov - Hakamada as the first three. All of them went to power, everyone became the author of a political joke about themselves. One unsuccessfully tried to transfer Moscow officials to Nizhny Novgorod vehicles, which, by a misunderstanding, are called cars; the other - in dark glasses he checked the shopping tents in the Moscow markets and tried to collect taxes from the owners of apartments in the skyscraper on the Square of the uprising; The third offered the miners from Vorkuta to collect mushrooms and cranberries in order to understand the charms of a market economy, and at the same time not to die of hunger. To promote such leaders in a real political situation that "beer without vodka is money down." We must pay tribute to Chubais: he not only understood this, but also developed a strategy for pulling the right from political non -being. The strategy is simple in theory, but damn complicated in practical performance. Its essence is simple - if there is no leader who can attract a wide voter among those who have lost in a flock (or herd), he must be created. It is not necessary to shuffle the old deck endlessly, you can find new, as if from the side. It should be a figure of a federal scale, successful in a professional sense, not to look outwardly a protege of any narrow clan (but internally to be your own) and, most importantly, not involved in noisy matters of corruption. By the beginning of the year, the fellow countryman Chubais Sergey Stepashin almost answered these parameters. Almost - this is the lack of a federal scale. Agree, the former Minister of Internal Affairs at the head of the freedom -loving democrats does not look very, to put it mildly, adequately. Another thing is the former prime minister who has achieved loans from the IMF and the restructuring of debts, who collected unprecedented taxes from the thicknesses, which ensured the revival of the national economy. When Primakov was filmed, everyone asked - for what? But no one asked another question: why do Primakov change it to Stepashin? And because the task was set as much as possible to promote Stepashin as an all -Russian figure, namely by the fall, when it will be necessary to begin the election campaign and approve the party lists. This task was not only set, but to this day they completed, despite the dull irritation of that part of the family clan that gravitates to Berezovsky. For those who think that all the above is only the game of the mind, I will give several statements that preceded Stepashin's resignation. From an interview with Chubais, published at the end of July: "I have additional opportunities to solve the problem of uniting the right as if" from the outside. "I think we will be able to achieve this." In the same days, the solid Times writes: "Sergey Stepashin, apparently, has become a favorite of a powerful backstage group in the Kremlin called the" family ". She includes the daughter of President Tatyana, Magnat Berezovsky and Anatoly Chubais. None of them themselves have sufficient popularity to have any chances in the presidential race. The politician, like Sergey Stepashin, seems to be a logical move. " And finally, literally four days before the “Rocky”, the “century” tells readers (No. 30, 1999) that the right-centrists ”feel the absence of an authoritative leader who could go and who could believe. Only the current chairman of the government S. Stepashin has some chances, but because of his position so far (italics, N.P.) cannot identify himself with any parties and movements.” A few days later, the president changed the position of Stepashin in such a way that he became free in the "identification" of himself with any movement. The authors of the developed multi -income would like the “right business” to gain a leader. But now the move is behind Stepashin. I write these lines, not yet knowing what this move will be. But it is already known that he held negotiations with the leaders of NDR and advanced in a single-mandate district in St. Petersburg. So options are possible. Moreover, the “right business”, even led by Stepashin, can hardly count on a major victory in the Duma elections. A five percent barrier will certainly be able to pass. But such a result does not pull to the starting platform of presidential elections. Therefore, it is no accident that Stepashin should decide in his preferences in the coming week. And then the game will continue. It is only a pity that the country's prestige, its economic stability, trust and just a serious attitude of the people towards power are put in this game.

Power is not necessary to love or hate. But any normal person wants to understand her actions. When she acts unmotivated, without visible benefit and logic, citizens are trying to conceive for those in power, suspecting them of a particularly perverted cunning. This is a protective reaction of public consciousness to the madness of power.

Today, no one in Russia wants to believe that the Kremlin simply missed the invasion of Chechen fighters in Dagestan. How could this be missed? After all, they had long warned that they would attack. So the matter is unclean. Someone heard from someone that shortly before that, the chief of the presidential administration, Alexander Voloshin, in the French resort, secretly saw Shamil Basayev. Then a rumor passed: the sortie of Chechens funded Berezovsky. Why is it to him? And then, that Putin in Dagestan will definitely disgrace, and then Boris Abramovich will call the Lebed from Krasnoyarsk, appoint him prime minister, he will break up with the Chechen invaders in three days, the people will admire and carry the general to the presidential chair in their hands. So the blue dream of the current inhabitants of the Kremlin about the "manual president", the heir to Yeltsin, will come true.

Another popular reason for the construction of versions is the hasty exile of Stepashin. If it is not clear what they took off for, you need to think about - why. Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Nikolai Petrakov proposes his understanding of the causes and goals of this resignation. The author emphasizes: his version is based not on undercover information, not on rumors, but on the analysis of public facts.

Our president really like the role of "unpredictable." He plays her with inspiration. Fascinated spectators (they are also politicians), like children, believe in this mysterious unpredictability of a political magician who can get an endless amount of premieres from their cylinder. And what if it is assumed in the actions of the president not a “clinic”, but logic? If the president, congratulating the premiere on a brilliant statement in the Duma, speaks out in the spirit that, they say, you will work before the fall, and there we will see, then analysts, of course, are free to regard this as a manifestation of senile insanity. But after all, behind this meaningful phrase, a well -thought -out, designed for several months in advance, the action plan designed. Having learned about the creation of the Fatherland Bloc - “All of Russia”, Boris Nikolaevich throws to reporters: “We must think tightly ... so as not to lose.” To whom he is going to not lose, it is clear to the child. Three days later, after thinking tightly, Yeltsin makes the "Rocky" Stepashin - Putin. On the same day, Putin states that Stepashin has huge political potential - once; The president has no complaints about the former prime minister - two; Yeltsin wants to create a new political configuration - three. Literally at the same time, Boris Nemtsov live on Echo of Moscow invites Stepashin to become the first number in the list of “right -handed”. Something is poorly believed in the accident of all these statements. Rather, we are dealing with the implementation of a multi -route political combination. I'll try to argue my assumption. At the same time, I am not going to refer to overheard telephone conversations or anonymous sources in the Kremlin now, as it is fashionable now, and I will use purely analytical methods.

It is known that the politicians close to the "family" are burdened with one care - to stay with power as long as possible. This goal, some of them believe, can be achieved exclusively by forceful decisions, while others give the palm of the championship political decisions. The courtiers with a criminal type of thinking who prefer to live according to concepts, and not by laws, of course, see a way out in the introduction of a state of emergency, the abolition (transfer) of the elections, the “third term”, etc. The officials close to the throne, trying to maintain a democratic image, categorically disagree with such a policy. They understand (as in 1996) that the Extraordinary and the transfer of elections, firstly, will be extremely painfully perceived in the West (both in the sense of trenches and in the sense of political lawlessness), and secondly, such a delay does not solve the main thing-smooth transfer of power to those who will leave the current puppeteers under power. Therefore, in contrast to the power, a scheme of the political solution to the problem is put forward. Its essence is to hold the elections, as a result of which the right will take a worthy place in the legitimate authorities - the State Duma and the Council of the Federation.

And here, supporters of the political resolution of the issue faced a situation where an excess of money for an election campaign is adjacent to a shortage of candidates, at least a little acceptable for the masses of voters.

I think that Chubais's hair stirred on his head when the political council (or what else they have) of the “right -handed business” nominated Nemtsov - Fedorov - Hakamada as the first three. All of them went to power, everyone became the author of a political joke about themselves. One unsuccessfully tried to transfer Moscow officials to Nizhny Novgorod vehicles, which, by a misunderstanding, are called cars; the other - in dark glasses he checked the shopping tents in the Moscow markets and tried to collect taxes from the owners of apartments in the skyscraper on the Square of the uprising; The third offered the miners from Vorkuta to collect mushrooms and cranberries in order to understand the charms of a market economy, and at the same time not to die of hunger. To promote such leaders in a real political situation that "beer without vodka is money down." We must pay tribute to Chubais: he not only understood this, but also developed a strategy for pulling the right from political non -being. The strategy is simple in theory, but damn complicated in practical performance. Its essence is simple - if there is no leader who can attract a wide voter among those who have lost in a flock (or herd), he must be created. It is not necessary to shuffle the old deck endlessly, you can find new, as if from the side. It should be a figure of a federal scale, successful in a professional sense, not to look outwardly a protege of any narrow clan (but internally to be your own) and, most importantly, not involved in noisy matters of corruption. By the beginning of the year, the fellow countryman Chubais Sergey Stepashin almost answered these parameters. Almost - this is the lack of a federal scale. Agree, the former Minister of Internal Affairs at the head of the freedom -loving democrats does not look very, to put it mildly, adequately. Another thing is the former prime minister who has achieved loans from the IMF and the restructuring of debts, who collected unprecedented taxes from the thicknesses, which ensured the revival of the national economy.

When Primakov was filmed, everyone asked - for what? But no one asked another question: why do Primakov change it to Stepashin? And because the task was set as much as possible to promote Stepashin as an all -Russian figure, namely by the fall, when it will be necessary to begin the election campaign and approve the party lists. This task was not only set, but to this day they completed, despite the dull irritation of that part of the family clan that gravitates to Berezovsky.

For those who think that all the above is only the game of the mind, I will give several statements that preceded Stepashin's resignation. From an interview with Chubais, published at the end of July: "I have additional opportunities to solve the problem of uniting the right as if" from the outside. "I think we will be able to achieve this." In the same days, the solid Times writes: "Sergey Stepashin, apparently, has become a favorite of a powerful backstage group in the Kremlin called the" family ". She includes the daughter of President Tatyana, Magnat Berezovsky and Anatoly Chubais. None of them themselves have sufficient popularity to have any chances in the presidential race. The politician, like Sergey Stepashin, seems to be a logical move. " И наконец, буквально за четыре дня до "рокировочки" "Век" рассказывает читателям (№ 30, 1999), что право-центристы "ощущают отсутствие авторитетного лидера, за которым могли бы пойти и которому могли бы поверить. Некоторые шансы в этом плане имеет лишь нынешний председатель правительства С. Степашин, но в силу своего положения пока (курсив мой. - Н.П.) не может идентифицировать себя с какими-либо партиями и движениями". Спустя несколько суток президент изменил положение Степашина таким образом, что он стал волен в "идентификации" себя с любым движением.

Авторам разработанной многоходовки хотелось бы, чтобы "Правое дело" обрело лидера. Но теперь ход за Степашиным. Я пишу эти строки, еще не зная, каким будет этот ход. Но уже известно, что он провел переговоры с лидерами "НДР" и выдвинулся по одномандатному округу в Санкт-Петербурге. Так что возможны варианты. Тем более что "Правое дело", даже возглавляемое Степашиным, вряд ли может рассчитывать на крупную победу на думских выборах. Пятипроцентный барьер пройти безусловно удастся. Но такой результат не тянет на стартовую площадку выборов президентских. Поэтому не случайно Степашин должен определиться в своих предпочтениях в ближайшую неделю. А дальше игра продолжится. Жаль только, что на кон в этой игре ставятся престиж страны, ее экономическая стабильность, доверие и просто серьезное отношение народа к власти.