History of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
Short course

Prepared by the Institute of History of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
at the publishing house "Kommersant"
Under the general editorship of A.A. Kabakov
Editor-compiler A.I. Grishkovets

Chapter XV. Restoration of constitutional order in Samashki, Budennovsk, and then everywhere. 1995 was the year of record shooting. Everyone who is alive goes to the polls. Departure to the future from the platform of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The communists do not promise too much, only what voters want. The unity of the left and the struggle of right opposites.

While at the beginning of 1995 the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was gathering for its historic Third Congress, adopting its historical program and rallying its historical ranks even more closely around its historical leader, Comrade. Zyuganov, the rest of the country’s population also did not sit idly by.
A significant part of the legal armed formations, known as the army and internal troops, continued to restore constitutional order in Chechnya. During the restoration, there were constant reports of the final liberation of Grozny from illegal groups, the capture of the villages of Vedeno and Nozhai Yurt, targeted air strikes on militant mountain bases, and other successes in the struggle for the Constitution. However, the Russian media - bought by Dudayev, as many astute people who knew the price of everything believed then - reported about the ongoing battles in the Grozny ruins, about the complete control of the Dudayevites over the situation, about carpet bombing of Russian territory by Russian planes, about filtration camps , in which, due to the impossibility of catching the bandits, those who were caught are kept. The word "cleansing" appeared; what it means in the language of the special forces of the internal troops was understood after reports about what was happening in the village of Samashki - some, looking at the television screen, remembered Vietnam and the history of the village of Song Mi. Patriots, naturally, argued that all this was invented by television journalists and that the real truth was the terrible atrocities of the Baltic snipers - “white tights” and the Chechens cutting off various parts of the bodies of Russian soldiers. However, the Chechen side really did not remain in debt: six months after the “cleansing” in Samashki, General Romanov, who commanded it, was blown up; in June, Basayev’s terrorists seized a hospital in Budennovsk, took hostages and calmly left for Chechnya.
In a word, the foundations for the subsequent unbreakable friendship of the Chechen and Russian peoples, as well as for peace in general in the North Caucasus, were laid tirelessly. As soon as military operations became truly successful, Russian generals showed humanism and stopped hostilities - which, of course, gave them every reason to later talk about increasingly brutal resistance from terrorists and the need for new operations. Ministers of Defense Grachev, Internal Affairs Kulikov and Security Stepashin showed themselves as real security officials, acting within the framework of the classic domestic relationship between strength and intelligence. The morale of the state armed forces in Chechnya also grew: conscripts straight from training entered into their first and last battle, and the most savvy officers and warrant officers, meanwhile, supplied the enemy with equipment and weapons on a commercial basis, thus maintaining the parity of forces so necessary for the war. In the Far East, ammunition depots mysteriously exploded, and, accordingly, the stock of shells and cartridges among Dudayev’s men was replenished. And throughout the whole country, in addition to the usual smell of war - burning, corpses and dirt, the strongest smell of the Chechen war, the smell of oil and money, spread throughout the whole country.
However, shootings took place in 1995 not only in Chechnya. On March 1, television presenter and major figure in the television business Vladislav Listyev was killed in Moscow. After that, contract killings—most of them unsolved—occurred almost daily, engulfing all sectors of democratic Russian society. Let us present only a small part of the murderous chronicle of that year, the year of the great redistribution of property and power - which, in fact, by this time had become one and the same thing. Expert on foreign economic activity of the National Sports Fund Gavrilin, vice-president of the Yugorsky commercial bank Yafyasov, tax police major Markov, general director of the Aprelevsky record plant Figlin, journalists Tsebiev and Alyakina, deputy of the People's Assembly of Dagestan Gadzhiev, commercial director of the Otto company Gavrilenkov, employee of the Moscow Regional Duma Cancer, head of the security service of Finance Bank Kryukov, director of City Bank Parakhin, businessman Li, deputy of El-Kurultai of the Republic of Altai Novoselov, president of the commercial bank "Yugorsky" Kantor was wounded... It is impossible to give the entire list, we have listed only the most notorious murders and assassination attempts (according to “Modern Political History of Russia”, edited by A.I. Podberezkin) from March to July. Just from this list one can get an idea of the situation not only in Chechnya, but also in other parts of the country, where there was complete constitutional order and tranquility.
Of course, not everything was so tragic; solemn events also took place. A scientific and practical conference was held at the historical and cultural center of V.I. Lenin in Ulyanovsk with the participation of comrade. Zyuganov, the International Day of the Family was celebrated in Russia for the first time, wholesale markets opened in Moscow and a memorial complex on Poklonnaya Hill went into operation, a patriotic movement to study the legacy of I.V. Stalin was registered with the Ministry of Justice... In a word, life went on as usual. And, of course, its most important content was the national preparation for the upcoming December 17 elections to the State Duma - the Russian parliament, which, according to the plan of the communist leader comrade. Zyuganov Gennady Andreevich, was supposed to become national in form and socialist in content.
On August 31, the newspaper "Soviet Russia" published the main communist manifesto of the pre-election era - "Platform of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation." As it later turned out, the express train of the Russian legislative power stopped for a long time at this platform, so it makes sense to quote some excerpts from the document.
“Rulers of Russia... nomenklatura bosses... who have retained power and position from previous times, who still rule the country uncontrollably and incompetently...
The Communist Party of the RSFSR arose in the depths of the CPSU...
In the previous elections, we did not promise people an improvement in life under this regime... We went to the Federal Assembly not for the sake of “softening” and “humanizing” the regime, but to fight it... Soberly assessing our capabilities, we directly stated before the elections, that participation in parliament is necessary for us in order to strengthen our ranks, accumulate strength and experience in working in new conditions...
A reorganization of the political system is necessary... it is necessary to change economic policy in such a way as to give an advantage to domestic producers... it is necessary to restore guaranteed socio-economic rights... to protect national cultures... A turn in the foreign policy course...
The Communists will strive to form a people's patriotic majority in the Federal Assembly... The people's patriotic bloc will nominate a candidate for President of Russia... The Communists are, in principle, against the institution of uncontrolled presidential power... However, patriotic forces will use presidential powers during a certain transition period ...
And whoever does not want to work should not eat."
One cannot but agree with the latter: indeed, so be it. As, indeed, with the rest of the provisions of the “Platform” that were both quoted and did not fit into this course - mainly concerning fair criticism of the state of affairs that existed in 1995. Naturally, such an offensive position before elections in a country at war with its own province, amid explosions and machine gun fire on city streets and in entrances, could not but attract many. At least those who either did not pay attention to the depths of which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation emerged, or forgot about the real social guarantees of real socialism, or did not notice the firm intention of the communists, having strengthened their ranks, to fight, achieve a majority and use the institution of the presidency during the transition period - apparently, from the regime of those who “retained power and position from earlier times” to the regime of those who came “from the depths of the CPSU.” The “Platform” did not specify how they are fundamentally different, and this was not required - could anything attract our common man more than such prospects (from the “Platform”): “power will be returned to the people”, “it will become profitable to produce goods ", "a woman will calmly raise children", "talent will not be left without government support", "a deceived investor will return his savings", "a criminal will go to prison"? To this one could only add a radical improvement in the climate, but the communists did not borrow slogans from the bourgeois party “Subtropical Russia”, knowing full well what their voters are accustomed to believing, and what they may require proof of.
While developing and promoting their “Platform”, the communists did not forget about practical organizational and political measures. They spent the entire year of elections to the Duma, uniting their ranks with all other suitable ranks, and came to December in a single formation, keeping, as it should be, alignment. Meanwhile, the anti-communist - right and center-right - forces, as one would expect, showed extreme individualism and political egoism, and formulated fundamental disagreements and divergences.
We will consider in detail in the next chapter what exactly the wisdom of the communists and the lack of it among their opponents manifested itself then.

When there is shooting in the country, the communists come to power peacefully

Test questions for Chapter XV.
1. What is the constitutional order and what does oil have to do with it?
2. Who fought with whom in Chechnya - the army against bandits, illegal armed groups against the police, Muslims against infidels, terrorists against the rest?
3. What did you do in 1995 before entering the entrance - looked around, put on a bulletproof vest, took out the TT? Are you alive?
4. List the main provisions of the “Platform of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation”. Like?
5. If the right is so smart, why don’t they march in formation?

In preparing the chapter, materials from the National Electronic Library were used.

Magazine "Kommersant Power" No. 30 dated 08/03/1999, p. 46

Themes:

Activities of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation