Ivan Davydov. Interpol, issue thirty-one. Farewell, comrades

Interpol, issue thirty-one. Farewell, comrades
Following the congress

Ivan Davydov

Publication date: December 4, 2000

Vague memories of the newspaper "Pravda" from the distant times of my childhood (the newspaper was useful: it published caricatures of imperialists, excessively hung with various types of cold steel and firearms; these images were carefully cut out and the imperialists replenished my and my friends' toy armies), so, Vague memories suggest that in the said newspaper it was customary to write something like this towards the next congress. Unfortunately, such articles in those days did not attract me at all, since there were no images of imperialists in them, and the General Secretary, whose images, on the contrary, were present, upsetting the young militarists, wore only award badges and criminally neglected weapons. This was doubly strange, since his overseas opponents, as was clear from the cartoons described above, did not forget to take with them to the next summit (however, such a word did not yet exist in our language at that time) everything they could - from samurai swords to M cruise missiles -X". Or maybe they weren’t cruise missiles - I can’t remember now.

Now because times are different, and it seems to me that it is necessary to write not towards the congress, but after it. The correctness of this modality will be justified below.

So, last weekend the congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took place . And it went unnoticed.

The comrades sharply criticized opportunists like Seleznev, elected the chairman of the Central Committee as chairman of the Central Committee, the chairman of the Central Committee declared that the right path had been chosen, and was going to move forward with confidence.

It cannot be said that this congress was very different in content from other congresses of the same party. Nobody (including, I think, the party leadership with the exception of specially appointed responsible and ordinary members, and sympathizers, and, especially, opponents) read their program documents. Not even because this reading is in principle harmful and fraught with mental disorders, but rather because everyone knew that these programs would never be put into practice (excuse the language). Even in the case - for absolutely many reasons, including financial ones - the communists' coming to power is unrealistic. Because even during the times of developed socialism, program documents, their writers and non-readers only pretended to be real. It was a special game, the rules of which were more or less described back then.

But even in Russia, after the USSR, when the Communist Party of the Russian Federation entered the political business on a competitive basis and showed good results year after year, everyone who gave themselves the trouble to think knew that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, led by the permanent chairman of the Central Committee, owed these results not to the program documents with impossible promises, but only a difficult-to-describe thing called “historical memory”. And also the conditioned reflex that has developed over the years to red banners and a standard set of profiles on banners.

And about a year ago - perhaps a little earlier - the communists were simply robbed. The protege of the “family,” hated by the entire patriotic public, borrowed from them the most precious thing they could boast of - a relatively conflict-free part of great-power rhetoric, as well as historical memory. In the end, military generals in camouflage against the backdrop of devastated gangster nests in Chechnya are perceived as heirs to the military glory of the heroes of the Great Patriotic War much more logically than well-fed fighters for the people's happiness in the Duma and gubernatorial seats. What can that empire, like any other, boast of, other than the glory of (enter the name of the titular nation) weapons?

The fact of theft was comprehended by the communists for a long time and painfully. It is interesting to follow the process of comprehension, for example, by the tone of Prokhanov’s editorials . This tone has changed since the pre-election period: when Zyuganov, out of habit, seemed to the communists to be perhaps the main contender for the throne, and when Prokhanov was trashing Putin, mentioning connections with Chubais, Gref and other citizens with suspicious surnames and even his unpresentable appearance. After a short period: when it seemed to the Reds (or they tried to make it seem to others) that the victory of a fragment of their rhetoric was their victory, and when Prokhanov implored Putin with Lubyanka shadows to return collective farms, camps and make goat horns to America not for specific sins, but simply because America. And until the present times of bitter realization: and again Gref, Chubais, unpresentable appearance.

And therefore it will be right if, in the end, Alexandrov’s music again becomes the anthem. In the end, this is much less important than it is customary to think, thanks to newspaper speculation, but the procedure for robbing the communists will be brought to its logical end.

And then the arguments of the Chairman of the Central Committee about constructive opposition and the formation of a shadow government will lose any remaining meaning.

And the “red plague” (we will say in imitation of Prokhanov, who, however, is great and inimitable) will turn into harmless, albeit unsightly teenage acne, which, as the homeland grows up, will completely disappear, as always happens.

And with God. And goodbye, comrades.

Recommended reading

On the Internet, it is recommended to read about this:

Towards the congress - writings from workers' correspondents. Confusion, vacillation and opportunism.

Prokhanov’s last (fortunately, in time of writing) editorial is just about the anthem and a little about Gref. Like any genius, Prokhanov finds it difficult to formulate, but intuitively feels that what is happening for the communists is much more important and more catastrophic than the loss of influence in the Duma, for example.

And a little more about where to look for the opposition now . A short-sighted critic may grin, muttering after the hero of one Central Asian epic: “Demons, you are looking where you didn’t hide ,” but what really matters is who is looking.

Talents and sources

Needless to say, the congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation did not become an event online. The political network in general has been sadly poor in events lately.

For example, Gazeta.Ru, formally an independent publication and even an LLC, but contentally richly nourished by the intellectual food prepared by Kommersant (let’s not make assumptions about the financial side of the issue), over and over again tries to revive the suddenly politically deceased citizen Berezovsky. Either he will be promoted to governor, or he will publish an article about what the Gazeta.Ru correspondent has not figured out, whether Boris Abramovich is buying something on the Internet, or selling it, but, nevertheless, he is active. Why, you ask, are they printing if they haven’t figured it out? But this is understandable just so that they remember.

Well known to that generation of networkers who still remember the Pravda newspaper with portraits of imperialists, Leonid Delitsyn published an article about the bleak prospects of online media, the death of portals, etc., etc. I am, however, mostly pleased with the list of sources. Why, you ask, did you publish it? Because with pictures. Well, so that they remember.

"Lenta.Ru" sadly reported on the interest that specific tax authorities are showing in the abstract "number of online media". They remember. And, again, we grow up. However, if this series of media had been described a little more accurately, then perhaps we would have drawn different conclusions. It is known that tax authorities in financial-oligarchic battles are a much more terrible weapon than M-X missiles. And, unlike missiles, they are not homing.

But on the inconspicuous website "Zametki.Ru" a "Note about FEP" was discovered . Recommended reading for employees of my beloved publication “Russian Deadline”. Enjoy it, colleagues. However, judging by the style and degree of reliability of the facts presented, “Deadline” is growing up a dangerous competitor.

In this connection, a quote in order to slightly entertain the audience, which is probably bored:

"Vesti.Ru" is one of the oldest online publications, created by Anton Nosik, who, by the way, had a hand in too many online publications - a monopoly. So, according to everyone, Vesti.Ru is currently the most boring of all online publications. And all because the publication does not have its own niche. So it hangs out, like... in an ice hole, looking for its niche.

"Strana.Ru" is a global Internet project, headed by Marina Litvinovich, a very well-known specialist. So far this project has not shown itself to be anything other than a very noisy PR campaign before the opening. However, FEP’s plans for this project are great.

Well, yes. About future plans. In this regard, I hope to see you later. In a week, for example.