The mechanism for Vladimir Putin’s ascension to the Kremlin throne was launched long before the elections. This happened on August 9, 1999, when Boris Yeltsin made a televised address and named him his successor. Fate treated the people who launched this mechanism differently.

Privy Councilor

At the time of Vladimir Putin’s proclamation as Yeltsin’s successor, Valentin Yumashev formally did not have government positions: the president fired him from the post of head of administration back in December 1998. Throughout the last year under Yeltsin, Yumashev held the modest post of presidential adviser on a voluntary basis. However, in fact, he remained one of the top officials in the state. It is alleged that it was Yumashev who proposed making Putin the successor of Boris Yeltsin. But Yeltsin’s departure also predetermined the rapid decline of the career of the most powerful Kremlin “swindler.” One of the first decrees and... O. President Vladimir Putin stripped Yumashev of his advisory position. At the same time, it cannot be said that today Yumashev’s influence on Russian politics has been reduced to zero. He is listed as an adviser to several prominent political players, such as Anatoly Chubais, and continues to participate in hardware games, although on a smaller scale than before.

Daughter by profession

After Vladimir Putin came to the Kremlin, Tatyana Dyachenko practically disappeared from big shadow politics. After all, her main position was and remains that of Yeltsin’s daughter. Becoming I. O. President, Putin fired Dyachenko from the post of his adviser. It is believed that Dyachenko has distinguished herself in politics only once recently, when, with the support of Naina Iosifovna, she encouraged Yeltsin to give an interview criticizing Putin for reviving the Soviet anthem. However, they say that this interview would not have taken place without the support of Alexander Voloshin, who was opposed to Alexandrov’s melody.

Zhelezny Stalyevich

Alexander Voloshin, as head of the presidential administration of the Russian Federation, has come a long way from a stuttering and insecure armchair theorist to Zhelezny Stalyevich, the most effective administrator of the post-Soviet era. Already at that moment, when the Kremlin changed prime ministers like gloves and suffered failure after failure in the fight against Skuratov and Primakov with Luzhkov, Voloshin showed much more composure and toughness than Valentin Yumashev. Unlike Yumashev, Voloshin did not engage in hardware “wiring”, but acted ahead, every now and then asking his favorite rhetorical question: “Are we the power, damn it, or not the power?!” Voloshin remains an indispensable administrator for Putin and, in fact, is the second person in the state.

Banned oligarch

Boris Berezovsky actively supported the idea of making Putin a successor to Yeltsin. But when Putin became prime minister, there was little left of the former gray eminence in Berezovsky’s image. He no longer had any government posts (he was removed from the post of Secretary of the Security Council at the beginning of 1999). The Kremlin administration even then treated him with a fair amount of irony. For example, Voloshin used to say that “Boris Abramovich is, of course, a very smart person, but he has too many brilliant ideas, and all of them are spontaneous.” Berezovsky was no longer allowed into real politics, and he went into harsh opposition to the Kremlin. Now Berezovsky has become one of the two worst enemies of the Putin regime. He is deprived not only of control over ORT, but also of the opportunity to enter the country without the risk of being arrested.

President's bad tooth

If at the end of Yeltsin’s rule Roman Abramovich was only an unofficial consultant to the Kremlin and, as is believed, a trusted financier of the “family”, then after Putin’s arrival he decided to come out of the shadows and satisfy his political and economic ambitions - he was elected to the State Duma, and then received Chukotka for trust management . If under Yeltsin they said that Abramovich influences the president, now only the president influences Abramovich. One can only hear loyal statements addressed to Putin from the Chukotka governor. But the president once responded to the remark that oligarchs were being “equally removed” somehow selectively, retorted: “It’s like that joke: if healthy teeth are pulled out, it’s okay, sooner or later we’ll get to the sick one.” But for now, Abramovich’s position can be considered more than stable.

Oppositionist-conformist

Anatoly Chubais, despite all the ups and downs, managed to maintain a more or less stable position. He defended not only his post as head of RAO UES, but in general terms received approval for his concept of reforming RAO. However, Putin’s rancor played a cruel joke on Chubais. The new president did not even remember that in August 1999 he opposed the resignation of Stepashin and the appointment of Putin as prime minister. Putin still cannot forgive Chubais for the fact that in 1996, the “father of privatization” casually eliminated some minor position that the future president, who was left without a job after the defeat of Anatoly Sobchak in the gubernatorial elections, had intended for. Therefore, Chubais is now not involved in big Kremlin politics, and senior Kremlin comrades recommend that he not get involved in public politics. Chubais does not interfere, for which his comrades in the Union of Right Forces reproach him for conformism. But the Kremlin understands that it is better to keep Chubais on a short leash than to turn him into a powerful public leader of the right-wing opposition by firing him.

Ruler of the Duma

Vladislav Surkov made a dizzying career during the operation to bring Putin to power. Although he, as before, holds the position of deputy head of the Kremlin administration, his actual status has grown immeasurably. At first, Surkov’s authority jumped sharply due to two victorious election campaigns (Duma and presidential), during which he managed to brilliantly “rebuild” the regions and masterfully distribute election funds. Then the Kremlin managed to immediately put the new Duma under control, essentially dividing the chamber between Putin’s “Unity”, the loyal “People’s Deputy” and the communists who joined them. This is considered Surkov's personal merit. And after last summer he “pushed” a package of bills on government reform through the Duma and the Federation Council, the political community was forced to admit that he had no equal in the lobbying field. Now Vladislav Surkov actually leads all voting in the Duma. He suits Putin simply by the fact that he is not burdened by any political convictions and is ready to complete any task.

Unlucky Volunteer

The Kremlin career of Igor Shabdurasulov, who served in the administration until Putin’s inauguration, actually ended at the moment when in 1999, in response to the task of “promoting” Unity, he declared that this movement “will be good if it gets 5%.” Then Shabdurasulov simply waited for his resignation in his office on Old Square. He retained the post of first deputy head of the administration so that his resignation on the eve of the elections would not provoke a scandal. Now he, as a loyal volunteer of Berezovsky, heads the Triumph Foundation, financed by him, and is also involved in the affairs of the TV-6 television channel (he has been asked to head the board of directors of this television company).
ANTON LEBEDEV

Magazine "Kommersant Vlast" No. 12 dated March 27, 2001, p. 12

There were eight of them