Human rights activists want Berezovsky to become Soros
There will still be no unification of Russian human rights organizations and Boris Berezovsky into a single opposition-democratic front. The euphoria with which human rights activists recently perceived promises of financial support from the oligarch’s funds has now subsided. But more and more often voices are being heard about the inadmissibility of the participation of public organizations benefited by Mr. Berezovsky in his political games. At first, Mr. Berezovsky's humanitarian initiative was greeted with enthusiasm. Especially after the Civil Liberties Foundation he created practically saved the public center named after Andrei Sakharov from closure, financially supported the Center for Criminal Justice Reform, the Glasnost Defense Foundation and some other organizations. And when in the spring the oligarch promised broader (at least $10 million) support to regional human rights associations, more than 300 organizations lined up for assistance. Over one and a half hundred have been selected by a distinguished jury, and they are preparing to become grant recipients. During a specially organized teleconference, Boris Berezovsky assured representatives of the human rights movement that he understands the difference between politics and the fight for human rights, and promised not to use new “sponsored people” to achieve his political goals.
Apparently they didn't believe him. In any case, last week a split emerged in the human rights community based on Berezovsky. In particular, public refusals of financial assistance from the Civil Liberties Foundation began. One of the first to make such a statement was the chairman of the Perm branch of the Memorial society, Alexander Kalikh. He said that he categorically refuses any cooperation with Mr. Berezovsky and his structures.
The Moscow branch of Memorial avoids being categorical, but evaluates Mr. Berezovsky's proposals quite cautiously. “Memorial is a confederal organization; we cannot prescribe anything to anyone,” says one of the society’s leaders, Alexander Cherkasov. “However, there are a number of formal considerations that are enough to warrant some caution for now.” In particular, human rights activists are concerned about the Civil Liberties Foundation's lack of charitable status. In addition, other foreign charitable foundations may refuse to co-finance groups claiming to support Berezovsky.
Representatives of various human rights organizations have different assessments of the “damage” that cooperation with an oligarch in exile can cause them. For example, the head of the Moscow Helsinki Group, Lyudmila Alekseeva, is convinced that “in whatever capacity Berezovsky may act, he has developed such a reputation - no matter whether it is deserved or not - that it is better not to deal with him if you want to preserve your reputation.” And Alexander Cherkasov from Memorial believes that “Soros was also primarily known as a stock speculator, but for many years he regularly donated money to civil society, without in any way connecting this with his business or politics, and today there is no shame in taking it from him.” .
But still, the main thing that confuses human rights activists is Mr. Berezovsky's political activities. “Non-governmental organizations cannot be presented as a constructed political opposition,” many of them say. “Because it means the death of the human rights movement.”