Andrey Vasilevsky. No comments

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15-28.02

Andrey Vasilevsky

Publication date: March 1, 2004

Mikhail Leontyev . "The Union of Sword and Ploughshare." New united opposition for "Russia without Putin". - "Izvestia", 2004, # 33, February 25.

“In Russia there is a huge demand for the revival of the country, its role, power, sense of national dignity. This is a demand for revenge. All sociologists note this, despite differences in assessments. Putin as a political phenomenon was born from this very feeling of national humiliation and demand for revenge "The meaning of the current course, the meaning of the second term is to satisfy this demand for revenge in a civilized, non-catastrophic form. This is the resuscitation and modernization of the country in conditions of normal, civilized, tactically and strategically adequate relations with the outside world, primarily with the world centers of power. Regardless of whether they like the Russian revival or not. Behind the opportunistic demagoguery about the National Socialist threat today there is a failure to understand that if the demand for revenge is not satisfied in a civilized way, if we miss this chance, then an attempt at revenge will certainly be made, the demand will be satisfied, but in an uncivilized and catastrophic way."

Liliya Shevtsova . Forward to the past! or Manifesto of Stagnation. - "Izvestia", 2004, # 33, February 25.

“Apparently, today in Russian political circles there is an energetic synthesis of authoritarianism, economic reforms and sovereignism, which, however, should not scare away the West. In a word, a new traditionalism is being formed, this time without the communist husk. By “traditionalism” I mean an emphasis on personalized and unlimited power of the leader in domestic politics, as well as reliance on force in the sphere of foreign policy. What do the new traditionalists propose and what do they oppose? Judging by Leontyev’s emotions, they are glad that Putin has ousted the radical oppositionists from the scene. In fact In fact, the squeezing out of Russian politics of all political forces, except the bureaucracy, creates the ground for the emergence of radicalism of any kind - from liberal to left and nationalist."

Konstantin Krylov . A month of disasters. - "Special Forces of Russia", 2004, # 2, February.

“In such cases, they usually say guns and aerial bombs. Because for those killed, revenge is supposed to be taken, and preferably with a margin, with a handicap. Let’s say, for each killed [in the metro] - one village filled with militants. Or at least with the families of militants. Therefore that if they can kill us in our home, kill civilians, women and children, then we must respond in the same language. In the end, this corresponds to the norms of decency: if you want to be understood, speak to people in their language . "

The fish always rots from the head . - “Literary Russia”, 2004, # 7, February 20.

Member of the upper house of the Federal Assembly (from the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania) Valery Kadokhov says in a conversation with Mikhail Beketov: “ <...> why is this London corrupter of Russia still alive and well and at large? Stalin got Trotsky with an ice pick. What, we don’t have "Kavuns" (axes) for this "birch"? "

Alexander Khramchikhin . Don't abandon yours. - "GlobalRus.ru". 2004, February 26.

" For example, it is quite possible to organize bomber exercises, check how they fly to the Arabian Sea and back. You can find a certain amount of heroin in the possession of some high-ranking official of the Qatari embassy. You can concoct a dossier on Qatari weapons of mass destruction and start transporting it around the world and showing it everywhere "The option of targeted strikes by our missiles on Qatar's oil production facilities is probably not relevant yet, but we shouldn't completely forget about it ."

"To eliminate skinheads, all you have to do is pick up the phone and say 'Let's take them all.'" - "Izvestia", 2004, # 36, February 28.

Says Doctor of Sociological Sciences, Head of the Laboratory of Youth Problems of the Research Institute of Complex Social Research of St. Petersburg State University, Professor Anatoly Kozlov in a conversation with Elena Rotkevich: “ (...) in St. Petersburg there are quite a lot of places where Caucasians live compactly and where indigenous people leave because of this. Talk to the police - they will show you entire staircases where migrants have bought all the apartments. They are dragging relatives there, forming colonies... Back in the late 80s, St. Petersburg was a purely Russian city: 93-94% of the population were Russians. Now everyone the fifth resident of the city is a representative of the south, mainly the Caucasus. The situation is approximately the same in Moscow. Representatives of national minorities are displacing old-timers, who, naturally, do not remain in debt. We are dealing with a conflict of cultures. (...) Somehow on the big At a meeting dedicated to youth problems, I spoke out that it was time to finish with skinheads and it was time to apply methods from the arsenal of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to them. To which a couple of workers at youth affairs centers told me: “Skinheads are not fascists. There are also good skinheads.” I just threw up my hands... To eliminate skinheads, you just need to pick up the phone and say: “Let's take everyone.” (...) Regional police chiefs must receive instructions from the Ministry of Internal Affairs. But there was no such order and never will be. On what basis do we take “a skinhead in general”? Because he walks around shaved? Or does he say: “I am a fascist”? So it's his personal business." .

Valeria Novodvorskaya . One hundred years of defeat. - “New Time”, 2004, # 7, February 15.

“But is it necessary to throw Arkady Gaidar’s books into a landfill? (...) I absolutely don’t want to do this. (...) Why? After all, these books affirm what I hate more than anything in the world. Collective farms from “Far Countries” , Revolutionary Military Councils from "RVS"; the Red Army from "School", the myth of saboteurs from "Smoke in the Forest", spy mania from "The Fate of a Drummer"; the Comintern from "Military Secrets"; pioneer camps, Timurites, the "just" Finnish war, armored trains, pioneer leaders and commissars in the same dusty helmets. Gaidar's work was illuminated by flashes of hellfire; all our (and universal human values ​​at the same time) were thrown into the furnace of this insane enthusiasm and misdirected romance; the Stalinist era with its steel and fire went on a furious campaign against the normal Western peace, without letting go of the blue cup, driving before us thousands of deceived drummers, whose fathers have turned into camp dust. We cannot let this slip out of our hands, because we are participants in the same eternal Russian civil war, because we will always divide people into our own and our enemies, and our girls will never change their “overcoat for a dress,” and our horses will never get tired of galloping, Vysotsky was in vain to fear this. We may be the last Russian liberals and Westerners who are not ready to survive and get along; the same grandfather’s wind of the Wild Field walks in our blood, alarming and a little intoxicating; we also sang soldiers’ songs around the fires in 1991 and 1993; we, too, will forever imagine “a secret movement in gloomy silence”; we are not adapted to stability, and Arkady Gaidar, of course, is a revolutionary and passionary. Our parties and movements were created on the principle of the Gaidar-Timur team, so that at the signal of bottles and flasks everyone would run to one attic or to one square, to the Moscow Soviet or the White House, and defend the eternal truth, and so that one for all and all for one. (...) Did Arkady Gaidar know the terrible truth? I think he did. He drank, he repented for his thoughtless youth, he sought death in 1941 and found it. He did not say a word in praise of Stalin; he retained the ability to be ironic and compassionate, at least for his own people. We can use his old revolver."