Eastern Europe: migration processes after the expansion of the EU

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In the late 1980s, the iron curtain disappeared, and the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe again gained freedom [1] . Immediately the movement of people from this region to other countries of the world, artificially interrupted during the dominance of the Communists, was resumed. This movement is very intense and diverse. Of course, in the post -communist era, emigration has been preserved, which had previously been the usual phenomenon for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. However, the processes of interest to us are far from exhausted by emigration. This period is characterized by a sharp increase in the overall mobility of the inhabitants of the region, the emergence of its new species. Extremely numerous were temporary movements from the country to the country, in many cases at close distances and for a short time, often in the form of pendulum or circular migration, not only between East and West, but also within the Eastern Europe itself, which turned into a new migration zone in the 1990s. These movements, for the description of which the terms “stream”, “mobility”, “migration network” are more suitable than “the number of immigrants” and “integration”, allowed the inhabitants of Eastern Europe to gradually join the existing migration processes and find their place in the West. The fall of the iron curtain was an event of historical significance for the countries of Eastern Europe. The expansion of the European Union to the East at the beginning of the third millennium is another decisive turn in the fate of these countries, which, apparently, will significantly affect the European migration landscape.

Features of emigration in the conditions of the post -communist era

The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have long been a region from which people had left for other places. Starting from the middle of the 19th century, tens of millions of people left this region, mostly resettled to North America. In the communist era, the borders were closed. The emigration did not stop, but it became possible only under special circumstances, and in this case it was only irrevocable, with the final change in the permanent place of housing. Since the socio-economic situation in the former communist states worsened sharply after the iron curtain disappeared, the Western countries were afraid that they would be overwhelmed by a shaft of “running away from hunger”, which would rush into “flourishing Europe”. Reality was more complicated.

In fact, the flow of emigrants poured into the west, but this stream did not grow into a catastrophic outcome. Such countries of Central Europe as Poland (where, by the way, the level of emigration was traditionally very high), the Czech Republic and Hungary, were not seriously affected by mass emigration observed in other places. In the last two countries, the migration balance was even positive. A lot of residents have left Bulgaria, on the contrary,; Currently, the number of departments has stabilized, but still remains quite large. Among the countries of the central European zone, Romania was the leader in the number of emigrants, although this fact did not find adequate reflection in statistical indicators, one of which was a huge number of petitions for the provision of asylum in the countries of the European Union, filed by Romanian citizens during the 1990s and in the vast majority of cases recognized as unfounded. But the most powerful was the wave of emigrants from countries located even east - the former republics of the Soviet Union. About 3.8 million people left this region, and almost all those who left were accepted by three countries - Germany, Israel and the USA.

The movement of emigrants to the West continues now. Western countries still attract the inhabitants of the CIS to themselves, but since the beginning of the 1990s, the trips of exits to a permanent residence have stopped crawling up. At the beginning of the third millennium, the number of emigrants stabilized and amounts to approximately 200 thousand people every year [2] . But emigrants are directed not only to Western countries. Large migration flows arose inside the post -Soviet space. From 1990 to 2002, Russia adopted eight million emigrants from the CIS countries (the migration growth in it amounted to 4.7 million). Half of these people arrived from the countries of Central Asia and Kazakhstan [3] .

Emigration from the countries of Central and Eastern Europe has at least two features. Firstly, it usually has an ethnic or ethnocultural basis. The inhabitants of Poland and Romania, who had moved to Germany until the mid-1990s, were mostly ethnic Germans, and many of those who moved to Hungary were ethnic Hungarians. In the same way, the Germans and Jews leave the former Soviet Union, less often - Finns, Greeks and Poles, and from the CIS countries they are sent to Russia, as a rule, ethnic Russians and Russian -speaking. As for the Western countries, this feature is directly explained by their immigration policy: for entry into Germany, it is necessary to submit documents confirming the German origin of the petitioner, and starting in 1996 - also passing the exam in the German language. Finland, Greece and Poland also rely in their immigration policy on the principle of ethnic origin, allowing the entry to representatives of the relevant diasporas living in the CIS countries. As for the former Soviet Union, the mentioned feature of emigration is a consequence of the collapse of the Soviet Empire.

The second characteristic feature of modern emigration, as sociological surveys show with all clarity, is that those who leave are not finally interrupted with their homeland. Emigrants do not want to fit into the space outlined by the borders of the country. Designing a special space for themselves, which one way or another uniting both of their homelands, new and old, they create developed networks of personal and/or professional connections between them.

East - West: the mobility of the population, the variety of migration flows and their regionalization

Recently, other migration flows have arisen between the East of Europe and Western countries, which are very diverse and variable. In Western countries, many tourists, workers, students, interns, shutters, etc., who come there for a more or less long time and on a variety of legal grounds, appeared. Their movements within the European Union were simplified due to the gradual abolition of short-term entry visas that had begun back in 1991: citizens of Bulgaria and Romania were released from the need to receive such visas (respectively in December 2000 and January 2002).

The usual phenomenon was a trip to work in Western countries, often in the neighborhood. The Poles are sent to Germany, Austria, France, Italy, Sweden to participate in the collection of grapes, vegetables and other seasonal work. Many Czechs and Slovaks work in Bavaria, Austria and Italy, Russian and Estonians - in Finland, Bulgarians - in Greece, etc. Residents of border regions move across the border almost daily. Women are hired to work as a homework. Over time, these migration flows can be directed in new channels. For example, Ukrainians, after 2000, took a strong position in Portugal, primarily in the construction business, while before there were especially many in Italy.

Often, these movements are carried out on an illegal or semi -legal basis: workers enter the country on a tourist visa. So, the migration of Ukrainians in Portugal is mainly illegal. According to a study conducted in 1999 in Poland, there are at least 300 thousand Poles who are illegally working abroad [4] . As the organization of economic cooperation and development (OECD) notes in its report in 2001, illegal emigration from Eastern and Central Europe to the countries of the European Union "does not decline" [5] . However, there are completely legitimate bilateral exchanges, which are carried out on the basis of agreements signed between some countries of Eastern and Western Europe. As you can see, both legal and illegal migration formed long before the expansion of the European Union to the East.

In part, these migration flows can also occur in connection with the hire of qualified workers, which is conducted by Western countries. Russians, Czech Republics and other residents of Eastern Europe have used the program of hiring foreign programmers, which Germany has been implementing since 2000; Romanians, Russians and Ukrainians - a similar program operating since 1999 in France. Many foreign scientists and persons of creative professions who receive a temporary permission to work in our country every year are residents of Eastern Europe: first of all, these are Russians, Poles and Romanians [6] .

It can be argued that in some countries-members of the OECR, visitors from Eastern Europe in the late 1990s formed a very noticeable part of foreigners living there. If you summarize immigrants of all types, then by this indicator in Europe, Germany leads by a large margin. She not only accepted more than three million ethnic Germans (counting since the late 1980s), but also implemented a number of special migration programs. Here you can mention the agreements on the acceptance of seasonal workers (200 thousand Poles entering the country annually), and special benefits for residents of the border areas, and the agreements due to which foreign companies located in Germany can “import” their own personnel ... The largest number of foreigners arrived in 1999, Russia and Poland have arrived. Among those who worked under the contract in 1999 and 2000, the Poles, Hungarians, Romanians and Czechs prevailed; Seasonal workers were almost completely represented by visitors from Poland and other countries of the region of interest to us [7] .

In France, the number of migrants from the eastern part of Europe, which was very significant between the two wars, and later, at the end of the Cold War, extremely insignificant, in the early 2000s began to increase rapidly again. The most powerful migration stream is formed by persons who ask for refuge: until 1998, Romanians prevail among them (in 1997, most of the petitions sent to the French refugee and apatrides protection bureau proceeded from this country), and starting in 1999, residents of the former Soviet republics (in 2001, they received 5,800 lives, or 12.3 percent of the total number of considered personal cases, Moreover, a third of these petitions was served by Russians); The following are students: in 2001-2002, 13,200 students arrived from Central and Eastern Europe (including the former Soviet Union), which amounted to 10 percent of the total number of foreign students from countries that are not part of the EU; And, finally, seasonal workers: in this labor market since the early 1990s, the Poles dominate (in 2001 there were 4,600, or 43 percent of all foreign seasonal workers from countries that are not EU members) [8] .

The influence of these migration processes on the financial sphere, apparently, very significantly. According to international organizations, in 1995, the total amount of money transfers to Poland, carried out by the Poles working in Germany, practically equalized with German direct investment in the Polish economy (700 and 800 mili of German brands, respectively, [9] ). A study conducted in Bulgaria in June 1999 showed that approximately 10 percent of the population of this country receives monetary assistance from relatives abroad. According to experts, the total amount of such transfers was $ 200 million a year [10] .

Central and Eastern Europe as a new migration zone

Not all migrants are sent to Western countries. Immigration and other forms of mobility gained move inside the borders of Central and Eastern Europe: this territory since the beginning of the 1990s has become a new migration zone [11] . Of the 200 thousand foreigners, who were in 2000 in the Czech Republic, a quarter was Ukrainians, more than a third - Slovaks, Poles and Russians; Of the 130 thousand foreigners who lived in 1999 in Hungary, more than a third were Romanians, 12 percent - Ukrainians, Slovaks and Russians [12] . Migration within Central and Eastern Europe is very impressive and only increases over time. For example, the influx of migrants from Eastern Europe to Poland is increasing: in 1995, 11.5 million inhabitants of the East European countries crossed the Polish border, and in 2001 - 15 million [13] .

Immigration to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe covers different phenomena. Here we can mention the return of the exiles who left their homeland during the dominance of the Communists, and the repatriation of persons related to ethnic minorities or groups living outside the country of origin (we have already talked about this), and a partial return to their native places of 2.7 million people deported by Stalin (for example, the return of the Tatars to the Crimea). In some countries, this immigration has a positive value of migration balance: this is the case, as we have seen, in Hungary, the Czech Republic and, above all, in Russia.

The countries of Eastern Europe were faced with two new phenomena for them: requests for asylum (they are few in comparison with similar petitions entering the EU countries, but their number in Central Europe and Russia is constantly increasing) and illegal immigration. The latter developed very quickly due to the permeability of most borders between the former Soviet republics and the practice of issuing visas in some of these states. According to experts, in early 2002 in Russia there were from one and a half to 15 million illegal migrants (first of all, numerous immigrants from the CIS countries [14] ). Among illegal immigrants, various groups can be distinguished, although these groups are partially intersecting: some go to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in search of earnings, others follow this region in transit. For many natives of Asia, the Middle East and Africa, it is only one of the intermediate stages of the long way that leads to Western Europe or through the Atlantic Ocean. In order to pay for travel expenses, some of these people have to trust their fate to dark businessmen, drug dealers, etc. [15]

Three characteristic features of these powerful migration flows that arise partially on a legal, partly on a semi -legal or illegal basis can be distinguished. Firstly, they are regional in nature: the countries of Central and Eastern Europe take mainly residents of neighboring countries. In the Czech Republic, Ukrainians, Poles, Bulgarians receive the most permits to work; In Hungary-Romanians and immigrants from the CIS, etc. Secondly, we are talking, as a rule, about temporary, pendulum, border or circular migration. Usually they go abroad for a short term. True, people seeking earnings in another country can in a total of a large part of the year, but this is only due to the fact that they often leave and return. Thirdly, such migrants adapt their surrounding space to their needs: they are sent abroad to get livelihoods, but continue to live in those countries where their families are located and where the cost of life is lower. According to one Polish demograph, they earn in one country, and spend it in another [16] .

This is a migration movement caused by the economic difficulties that the CIS countries experience, as well as a higher level of wages and the greater attractiveness of labor markets in some states, has recently acquired (by the way, we can already talk about a sufficiently long period) extremely intense. Undoubtedly, migration as a whole is facilitated by the geographical and cultural proximity of the countries of this region. As for unregistered movements, they are facilitated by the borderline regime, which until recently, remained extremely liberal. In 2000, about 200 thousand Ukrainian illegal workers were in the Czech Republic, whose migration was mainly pendulum in nature-Ukrainians became an integral element of the labor market in some sectors of the Czech economy [17] . In Poland, according to some estimates, from 150 to 300 thousand foreign workers-illegals permanently resides. They are mainly busy in construction, agriculture, hotel and restaurant service; Often they work as a home servant. These people are not too demanding, and employers willingly take them to work for purely economic reasons (low wages, irregular work schedule, long working day, etc.).

The regional nature of migration is largely determined by the so -called shuttles. In the late 80s, trade tourism acquired impressive scale: pendulum migration, which first developed between Germany and Poland, then between the republics of the former Soviet Union and Poland, Turkey, China and other neighboring countries. This migration is called the "suitcase." На протяжении всех 90-х годов среди русских, украинцев и белорусов, ездивших в Польшу, было множество торговцев «с чемоданами», чья подвижность стала для восточных районов этой страны одним из источников экономического подъема. По-видимому, и сегодня несколько миллионов граждан СНГ зарабатывают на жизнь челночной торговлей [18] . По некоторым подсчетам, в 2000 году ежедневно пересекали границу около 20 тысяч украинцев, отправлявшихся в соседние страны либо за товаром, либо в поисках работы [19] . Расширение Европейского союза на восток ставит под вопрос многие из этих неофициальных контактов.

Расширение Европейского союза: новые трудности

На Копенгагенском саммите, состоявшемся 13 декабря 2002 года, Европейский союз официально одобрил принятие новых десяти государств-членов: восемь из них вступят в ЕС в мае 2004 года, два других (Румыния и Болгария) — в 2007 году. Это расширение ЕС, знаменующее воссоединение Европы, в то же время поставит перед нею новые проблемы и может вновь радикальным образом изменить миграционный ландшафт.

Приветствуя воссоединение стран Старого Света, Европейский союз опасается последствий открытия границ, прежде всего — дестабилизации рабочих рынков и неуправляемости миграционных потоков. Некоторые страны ЕС заявили еще в 2002 году, что они не будут препятствовать въезду восточноевропейских рабочих; другие, особенно Германия и Австрия, географически наиболее близкие к Восточной Европе, требуют, чтобы свободное движение рабочей силы было разрешено только после переходного периода, который должен продлиться семь лет (начиная с 2004 года). В силу вполне объективных факторов, в частности высокого уровня безработицы в новых государствах — членах ЕС, можно предполагать, что часть трудоспособного населения этих государств отправится на заработки в другие европейские страны. На региональном уровне при этом может возникнуть известное напряжение. Однако общеевропейской дестабилизации рынков, видимо, удастся избежать [20] . Как мы убедились, многие жители Восточной Европы уже нашли — легальным или нелегальным образом — свое место на рынках рабочей силы ЕС, и отмена краткосрочных въездных виз не вызвала интенсивного притока новых мигрантов. К тому же страны Центральной и Восточ ной Европы достаточно быстро могут перестать быть источником рабочей силы, ведь в среднесрочной перспективе вся Европа должна столкнуться с проблемой нехватки рабочих рук, вызванной старением населения [21] .

Еще один повод для беспокойства западных стран — управление миграционными потоками. Согласно Амстердамскому договору, Европа должна стать «пространством свободы, безопасности и права». Страны — члены Европейского союза, естественно, ожидают от стран-кандидатов, что те будут проводить политику, способствующую достижению этой цели, и противодействовать незаконной миграции. Перед этими странами стоит трудная задача. Во время господства коммунизма они заботились не о том, чтобы помешать проникновению нелегальных мигрантов на свою территорию, а о том, чтобы не дать своим гражданам покинуть страну. Как следствие, у них не было ни законодательства, ни учреждений, ни обученного персонала, ни технических средств, позволяющих адекватно реагировать на перемены, начавшиеся в 1989 году, — среди прочего, и на тот факт, что их границы, некогда защищенные железном занавесом, стали дырявыми. К настоящему времени, воспользовавшись опытом западноевропейских стран, эти государства обзавелись всем необходимым для того, чтобы бороться с нелегальной миграцией и обезопасить свои рубежи. Политика, проводимая ЕС, вынудила их ограничить въезд на свою территорию и укрепить границу с восточными соседями.

Рост миграционных потоков в центре Европы породил некоторые проблемы, но в то же время способствовал возникновению многочисленных партнерских связей внутри региона. Во многом этот рост был обусловлен проницаемостью границ стран Центральной Европы, поэтому его можно рассматривать как своего рода «внешний симптом» переходного периода, отделившего коммунистическую эпоху от новой эпохи интеграции этих стран в ЕС [22] . Шенгенская граница многое изменит в существующем раскладе сил. Она оказывает и будет оказывать влияние на некоторые из сложившихся деловых связей, на рынок труда будущих членов ЕС (строгий пограничный контроль может парадоксальным образом подхлестнуть нелегальную миграцию и побудить приезжих правдами и неправдами оставаться внутри шенгенской зоны или, во всяком случае, максимально затягивать срок своего пребывания в ней), а также на связи между населением этих стран и их национальными диаспорами в других странах [23] . Примером может служить принятый в Венгрии в июне 2001 года закон о «статусе» венгров, проживающих за границей, который был постепенно нейтрализован рядом поправок, внесенных в него под давлением Брюсселя [24] .

Появление новой границы будет иметь особенно серьезные последствия для стран, которые пока не приглашают вступать в ЕС: расширение этого союза на восток, по-видимому, не принесет им ничего хорошего. Польские правящие круги не раз призывали своих партнеров по ЕС не отгораживаться «новым железным зана весом» [25] . Этот образ грешит явным преувеличением, но он отражает вполне реальное беспокойство стран СНГ, опасающихся превращения шенгенской границы в непреодолимый барьер, который отрежет их от Европы. Впрочем, Европейскийсоюз многократно заявлял о своем желании содействовать региональному и межгосударственному сотрудничеству. В марте 2003 года президент европейской комиссии Романо Проди и ее член Крис Паттен вновь подчеркнули, что расширенная Европа намерена установить «новые отношения добрососедства», что «ее связи с географически близкими странами станут более прочными» [26] .

Эти декларации, однако, до сих пор не нашли выражения в последовательной региональной политике, которая сдерживала бы нелегальную и криминальную миграцию, но при этом поощряла миграцию, способствующую интеграции приграничных районов. Визовые режимы, которые сейчас вводятся в странах, вступающих в ЕС, неизбежно осложнят их отношения с восточными соседями, если не улучшить существующее положение дел (малое число консульств, их недостаточная оснащенность компьютерами, высокая стоимость виз, длительные сроки их оформления и т. п.). В 2000 году в Польшу въехали 14,8 миллиона украинцев, русских и белорусов, тогда как польские консульства во всех странах мира выдали в общей сложности лишь 185 тысяч виз! [27] Чтобы изменить ситуацию, в 2002 году будущие члены ЕС начали открывать новые консульства. Эти страны ищут компромиссные решения. Так, Польша в начале 2003 года предложила России и Украине заключить соглашение о бесплатных въездных визах, которое вступит в силу с 1 октября 2003 года. ЕС в свою очередь пытается урегулировать возникающие проблемы — например, проблему Калининграда, российского анклава на территории будущей шенгенской зоны.

Но многое еще предстоит сделать, и это при том, что новая граница уже стала преградой на пути к региональной интеграции. Она омрачает дипломатические отношения между странами Центральной Европы и их восточными соседями, которые воспринимают новые правила пересечения границ как средство их изоляции. Она осложняет личные контакты, игравшие столь важную роль в улучшении отношений между некоторыми странами этого региона. Она ограничивает перемещение обычных граждан, препятствует неофициальным связям и бизнесу «челноков», которые служат для экономики стран СНГ чем-то вроде предохранительного клапана. Поэтому совершенно необходимо выстроить новую региональную политику, учитывающую и факт вступления в ЕС стран Центральной Европы, и задачи регионального сотрудничества; нужно также наводить мосты между ЕС и теми странами, которым пока не предлагают в него вступать.

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[*] Национальный центр научных исследований Франции, Центр международных исследований (CNRS, CERI). Статья была опубликована в журнале «Esprit» в декабре 2003 года. Перевод с французского У. Галльской.

[1] В этой статье под Центральной и Восточной Европой мы подразумеваем бывшие республики Советского Союза, Польшу, Венгрию, Чехию, Словакию, Болгарию и Румынию.

[2] Согласно данным статистических органов принимающих стран, в 2000 году 95 тысяч граждан из стран СНГ переехало на постоянное место жительства в Германию, 45 тысяч — в Соединенные Штаты, 50 тысяч — в Израиль.

[3] См. об этом: Anne de Tinguy, La Grande Migration. La Russie, Les Russes et l'ouverture du rudeau de fer, 2004, Editions Plon, в печати.

[4] См.: Marec Okolski, Dariusz Stola, “Migrations between Poland and European Union: the Perspective of Poland's Future Membership”, Warsaw, 'Institute for Social Studies Working Papers', series “Migrations,” № 25, March 1999, p. 15.

[5] См.: ОЭСР, Система постоянного наблюдения за миграцией (SOPEMI), Tendances des migrations internationales 2001, Paris, 2001, p. 74.

[6] См.: Andre Lebon, Migrations et nationalite en France en 2001, Paris, Ministere des affaires sociales, Du Travail et de la Solidarite, la Documentation francaise, decembre, 2002, p. 54; et Office des migrations internationales, Annuaire des migrations, Paris, annuel.

[7] См.: ОЭСР, Система постоянного наблюдения за миграцией (SOPEMI), Tendances des migrations internationales 2002, Paris, 2003, p. 139–140.

[8] Источник: Французское бюро защиты беженцев и апатридов (OFPRA), Ministere de l'education nationale, A. Lebon, Migration et nationalite en France en 2001, op. cit., p. 87.

[9] См.: Elmar Honekopp, “Employment of Eastern Europeans in Germany and its Effects on Economy and Labor Market of Host and Home Countries”, выступление на коллоквиуме «Central and Eastern Europe, New Migration Space», Pultusk, 11–13 декабря 1997.

[10] См.: ОЭСР, Система постоянного наблюдения за миграцией (SOPEMI), Tendances des migrations internationales 2001, Paris, 2002, p. 150.

[11] См.: Anne de Tinguy, Miriana Morokvasic, «Entre l'Est et l'Ouest, un nouvel espace migratoire», in G.Mink, J.-C.Szurec, Cet etrange postcommunisme, Paris, Presses du CNRS/ La Decouverte, 1992, p. 305–320.

[12] См.: ОЭСР, Система постоянного наблюдения за миграцией (SOPEMI), Tendances des migrations internationales 2002, op. cit., p. 84 et 271.

[13] Источник: Центральное статистическое бюро Польши.

[14] См.: Население России. 2001 / Под ред. A. Vishnevsky. М., 2002. С. 129–136.

[15] Международная организация по вопросам миграции в 1990-х годах провела в этом регионе ряд опросов, касающихся транзитных мигрантов; их результаты были опубликованы в ее отчетах. См. также: Marec Okolski, “Migrant Trafficking in Poland — Actors, Mechanisms, Combating”, Warsaw, 'Institute for Social Studies Working Papers', series “Migrations”, № 24, March 1999, 102 p.; Alexander Woroniecki, “Illegal Migration in Poland”, Groningen, Center for European Security Studies, Working Papers, sept. 2000.

[16] См.: Marec Okolski, “Incomplete Migration: a New Form of Mobility in Central and Eastern Europe. The Case of Polish and Ukrainian Migrants,” in Claire Wallace, Dariusz Stola (eds), Patterns of Migration in Central Europe, Basigstoke, Palgrave, 2001, p. 105–128.

[17] См.: Ministere de l'interieur de la Republique tcheque, Information on the Situation in the Field of Migration in the Territory of the Czech Republic, Prague, 1997 et 1998; Zerkalo Nedeli, № 35, 9 septembre 2000; Dusan Drbohlav, “The Czech Republic”, in C. Wallace, D. Stola (eds), Patterns of Migration in Central Europe, op. cit., p. 203–226.

[18] См.: A. de Tinguy, «Le phenomene des «tchelnoki» et la constitution d'espaces transfrontaliers dans la region de la Mer Noire», in M. Bazin et al. (sous la dir. de), Mediterranee et mer Noire entre mondialisation et reginalisation, Paris, L'Hartmattan, 200, p. 471–482.

[19] См.: Gilles Lepesant, «L'Ukraine et les frontieres de l'Europe», in A. de Tinguy (sous la dir. de), L'Ukraine, nouvel acteur du jeu international, Bruxelles, Bruylant, 2000, p. 146.

[20] Financial Times, 13.12. 2002. См. также тематический блок: «Europe: ouverture a l'Est» (статьи Эльмара Хенекоппа и других авторов, под редакцией А. де Тенги) в: Homes et migrations, mars-avril, 2001.

[21] См.: Marec Okolski, “Migration Pressures on Europe,” Warsaw, Institute for Social Studies Working Papers, series “Prace migracyjne”, № 26, 1999, p. 30–31; а также: “Migrations Between Poland and the EU,” op. cit., p. 17–20; ОЭСР, Система постоянного наблюдения за миграцией (SOPEMI), Tendances des migrations internationales, op. cit., 1999, p. 37 et 2000, p. 39.

[22] См.: Dariusz Stola, “Two Kinds of Quasi-Migration in the Middle Zone: Central Europe as a Space for Transit Migration and Mobility for Profit,” in C. Wallace, D. Stola (eds), Patterns of Migration in Central Europe, op. cit., p. 102.

[23] См.: C. Wallace, “Opening and Closing Borders: migration and Mobility in East-Central Europe,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 28, № 4, Octobre 2002, p. 621; Miriana Morokvasic, “Balkans: les exclus de l'elargissements,” Hommes et migrations, mars-avril 2001, p. 81–93.

[24] Le Monde, 12 decembre 2002.

[25] Financial Times, 8.06. 2000 et 3.12.2002; а также: Radio Free Europe-Radio Liberty, 24.06.1999.

[26] См.: C. Patten, R. Prodi, «A cote de l'Union Europeenne, un cercle de pays amis», Le Monde, 19 mars 2003.

[27] См.: Jan Maksymiuk, «Warsaw Obliges Itself to Build EU's Berlin Wall», RFE/RL Newsline, 9.03.2002.