Next after Khodorkovsky will be Khodorkovsky

In Russia, since the 19th century, there have been two main traditions of behavior before court - criminal and political. The “politicals”, when brought to trial, used it to denounce the authorities. The criminals “turned on the fool”: the citizen is the boss, I was not there, and the knife is not mine.

The tradition of political trials in Russia seemed to end with dissidents. Even Eduard Limonov, when brought to trial, behaved like a criminal, received a minimum sentence and lost the opportunity to become a major political leader.

The last word of the former head of Yukos Oil Company Mikhail Khodorkovsky was the first speech by a political defendant in the last twenty years.

Mikhail Khodorkovsky stated that he does not intend to ask the court for leniency because he did not commit crimes; stated that he was sent to prison so that he would not interfere with the looting of the company, and suggested that the prosecutor’s office not interfere in a business in which it does not know a damn thing. “Those people who are busy today with the theft of YUKOS assets have no real relation to the Russian state and its interests,” Khodorkovsky recalled. This speech is not addressed to Judge Kolesnikova. It faces the future Maidan.

Apparently, the outlines of this speech became known to the authorities before they were heard in court. Because before the end of the trial, Khodorkovsky was suddenly attacked with renewed vigor: prosecutor Keshaev publicly hinted that the authorities might imprison Khodorkovsky’s old father (Gorin went to him to consult about unpaid murders). And then, in addition to the stick, there was a carrot: lawyer Genrikh Padva, whose area of ​​specialization is compromise solutions between the accused and the state, suddenly announced that Khodorkovsky and Lebedev could be subject to amnesty in connection with May 9.

This is how the decision-making corridor was designated. If you want, we'll put my father in prison. If you want, we will release you under an amnesty. It was very necessary for Khodorkovsky to retract his last word. Or he muttered something like “Citizen Chief, I’m sorry, I honestly have nothing to do with it.” It was not enough to imprison Khodorkovsky - it was necessary to break him. (Because, of course, no amnesty will be given to him. On the contrary, it is hastily written in such a way that there will be no similar crimes even nearby. The Kremlin beats those who do not surrender, and finishes off those who surrender.)

It so happened that the Khodorkovsky trial became a turning point in the political history of Russia. This did not happen because a company, even a very large one, was taken away from a few people - even very famous ones.

This happened because the people whom President Putin made his base were not taught how to run a business or run a government. They were taught one thing - to hunt enemies of the state.

If there are no enemies, they are created. And, by coincidence, the goods confiscated from the enemies should go to those who exposed them.

But the fact of the matter is that once created enemies become real. If in Chechnya a Russian soldier breaks into a house and shoots half the family with the words “these are militants,” then those who remain alive will indeed become militants. If you take away a person's business under the pretext that he is an enemy of the president, he will truly become an enemy.

And if you take away someone’s property with the help of power, then your only chance to preserve this property is to remain in power.

The Khodorkovsky trial laid the economic foundation for dictatorship in the country. After Khodorkovsky's arrest, the president's main support became people who know how to expose enemies.

The question is often asked: who will be next after Khodorkovsky?

Answer: Khodorkovsky.

With a very high probability we can predict a new trial of Khodorkovsky. And almost certainly - a new trial of Pichugin.

There are at least three reasons for such processes.

First, it is necessary to rehabilitate Pichugin’s first trial, with a specially appointed judge, a rotating jury and the serial killer Korovnikov as the main prosecution witness. (In principle, this is not difficult to do: you can, after all, unearth a professional killer in prison who is ready to testify in exchange for a reduced sentence. Or simply hire a person who, for five years in prison and a certain amount of money, is ready to surrender to justice and show: “I hired YUKOS as hitmen.")

Secondly, YUKOS still has something to share. Tomskneft, Mazeikiai Oil Refinery, Slovakian pipe, etc. And it’s better to share during the process than after. More opportunities for pressure.

And third, the most important thing. The YUKOS case is unfavorable for President Putin and beneficial for those around him. As a result of the Yukos affair, Putin lost international respect, and his friends sawed up Yuganskneftegaz. Putin was hooked on hatred of Khodorkovsky, like a drug. At first, the president was told that Khodorkovsky wanted to take his place and was already negotiating with Condoleezza Rice on Russia’s nuclear disarmament. Now the president is being reported about how our valiant special services once again prevented and thwarted the assassination attempt on the president ordered by Leonid Nevzlin.

The president must be kept on his toes and constantly reminded of his never-sleeping enemies, from which only loyal people can protect him. And there is no better way for this than the new Pichugin trial and the further dismemberment of YUKOS.

Because during these processes, the corrupt public opinion of the corrupted West will finally take the side of the bloody murderers from YUKOS, and President Putin will finally be convinced that his only support and only protection from the bloody murderers are his friends.