| Yushchenko and Yanukovych created a conciliatory government
A “civilized transfer of power” took place in Ukraine. This was stated by the new Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych after a meeting with his predecessor Yuri Yekhanurov. The new head of the cabinet promised to use the best of what was developed by the previous government. On Saturday, Yanukovych's candidacy was supported by 269 out of 450 Rada deputies. The voting took place in the presence of the country's President Viktor Yushchenko. The former rivals in the 2004 presidential race smiled at the cameras, as if they had forgotten about the bitter mutual attacks during the confrontation on Kiev's Independence Square.
Now the election of Yanukovych has been recognized as legitimate both in Russia and in the West. The EU and the US praised the 2006 parliamentary elections for fairness and democracy, and by this logic, the leader of the Party of Regions that received the most votes had every right to head the government. Political reconciliation between the president and the “regionals” is “the only right choice,” says former US Ambassador to Ukraine Carlos Pascual. To avoid the appointment of Yanukovych as prime minister, Yushchenko could dissolve the Rada. But this would lead to “a violation of the constitution and the surrender of the last positions on which the moral image of the “Orange Revolution” rested,” the American believes. The political confrontation between the eastern and western elites would also escalate, which would “hamper the development of the country.”
The newly appointed Prime Minister Yanukovych considers the formation of a real budget for the next year and the development of social programs to be his top priorities. He promised investors political stability, the people - economic growth and solutions to social problems, and the West - the steady construction of democracy. For this purpose, laws on opposition and government will be adopted, which will create a system of political “checks and balances.” It is promised to expand the financial rights of local governments.
Key positions in the new government went to the Party of Regions. “Regionals” received all four deputy prime minister positions - for finance (Mykola Azarov), construction (Vladimir Rybak), fuel and energy complex (Andrey Klyuev) and humanitarian policy (Dmitry Tabachnik). They also received the portfolios of minister of fuel and energy complex (Yuriy Boyko), coal industry (Sergey Tulub), and minister of the Cabinet of Ministers (Anatoly Tolstoukhov). The politicians who occupied these positions are well known to the Russian elite from the period of Leonid Kuchma's rule.
President Yushchenko retained control over the Foreign Ministry, which was headed by former minister Boris Tarasyuk. Yushchenko reappointed Anatoly Gritsenko as head of the Ministry of Defense and retained the quota of head of the security service. The presidential bloc received the significant post of Minister of Justice plus four insignificant ministerial portfolios - culture, health care, family and youth affairs, and emergency situations.
Communists and socialists will rule the agrarian-industrial complex, manage industrial policy, transport and communications, the economy, the Ministry of Labor, education and science. Viktor Yushchenko insisted that the post of head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs be taken by the former socialist Yuriy Lutsenko. After the Orange Revolution of 2004, Lutsenko initiated high-profile criminal investigations against top officials of the Party of Regions. Now the prospect of working together with the “regionals” provoked a hypertensive crisis in the minister, with which he ended up in the hospital.
Ukrainian experts believe that Yushchenko's influence on the government will be small. “There is no reason to fear for the fate of the Yanukovych government,” Ukrainian political scientist Mikhail Pogrebinsky told Vremya Novostei. The parliamentary troika of “regionals”, socialists and communists in its current composition is monolithic enough to last for several years. Even if the pro-presidential “Our Ukraine” joins the triple anti-crisis coalition in September, then nothing will prevent the socialists, communists and “regionals” from leaving this union at any time, expelling “our Ukrainian” ministers from the government.
The “Universal of National Unity”, signed by the anti-crisis coalition and “Our Ukraine” at the insistence of the president, seemed to ensure the continuity of Kyiv’s course towards Euro-Atlantic integration. However, this document has no legal force. Yushchenko called the guarantee of the implementation of the “Universal” the “civil position” of the elites - they say, “a politician who said one public word today cannot return it tomorrow,” since this would mean “the end of his career.” But communists, socialists and “regionals” won the 2006 parliamentary elections under the banner of raising the status of the Russian language, opposing Ukraine’s entry into NATO and restoring close ties with Russia. And they are unlikely to exchange the support of voters for friendship with the president, the key to which is the implementation of the “Universal”.
However, the “regionals” are still fulfilling their promise to develop cooperation with NATO. On Friday, immediately after Yanukovych was confirmed as prime minister, the Rada adopted a law on the admission of foreign military personnel to Ukraine for multinational NATO exercises. The previous parliament refused to agree to the admission of foreign troops.
“Foreign policy will remain under the control of the president, who appoints the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and controls the security forces,” Vladimir Fesenko, head of the Ukrainian Penta center, told Vremya Novostei. At the same time, the previous multi-vector policy will be rehabilitated to some extent, when Yushchenko and Tarasyuk will be responsible for the Western direction, and Yanukovych for the Russian direction. “We should not unambiguously associate the current prime minister with Russia,” Mr. Fesenko told our newspaper. -- He represents the interests of the Donetsk region, which competes with Russia in the markets of third countries. In addition, Donetsk interests have long been extending in a western direction: Rinat Akhmetov is trying to place the assets of his companies on the London Stock Exchange, and the Industrial Union of Donbass is buying up assets in Central Europe.” Although, of course, solving the gas issue is important for Donetsk business, which is what Klyuev and Boyko will do.”
Yulia Tymoshenko, who declared herself the leader of the opposition, calls the Party of Regions “a criminal that has temporarily come to power.” Tymoshenko said that the authorities are preparing repressions against her associates - ex-head of the security service (SBU) Alexander Turchynov and SBU general Andrei Kozhemyakin. “I do not share such assessments regarding the end of democracy in Ukraine,” Vladimir Fesenko tells Vremya Novostey. - Of course, there are certain risks of using legal levers to ensure business interests. But the main prerequisite for democracy—the absence of a monopoly on power and free media—remains.”
“Tymoshenko herself, of course, will not be touched, but her entourage will experience pressure,” Vadim Karasev, head of the Ukrainian Institute of Global Strategies, expressed a different point of view to Vremya Novostey. -- This will affect the “brain center” of its block, as well as the sponsor wing. Now there are many forecasts that in 2009 the main competitors for the presidency will be Tymoshenko and Yanukovych. I wouldn’t make such predictions; a lot can change in three years. Tymoshenko, who will be abandoned by her inner circle, risks turning into an “elite” outcast.” Svetlana STEPANENKO, Kyiv
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