| At the beginning of October, the new President of Estonia, Toomas Hendrik Ilves, took office. A native of the USA, he is an experienced diplomat - he twice headed the Estonian Foreign Ministry, and was ambassador to the USA, Canada and Mexico. Thomas Hendrik Ilves spoke about the development of Russian-Estonian relations and the situation of the Russian-speaking population in Estonia with his own INTERFAX correspondent in Tallinn, Arkady Prisyazhny, for Vremya Novostei.
-- Several years ago, the head of the Estonian Foreign Ministry called relations between Tallinn and Moscow “icy.” What rating would you give them?
- If you look at an ice cube, everything inside it seems to be numb and lifeless. But if you look at Estonian-Russian relations, you will not see numbness and lifelessness. In the near future, Oleg Tabakov will come to Tallinn for the second festival of Russian theaters “Golden Mask” in Estonia. The number of tourists from Estonia to Russia and vice versa is growing. So I would not unduly dramatize these relations, although they, of course, could be better, especially when it comes to political relations. Surely we need to expand the contractual basis of our relations.
-- In Estonia, there are pessimistic assessments of the fate of the Estonian-Russian intergovernmental commission. What is the reason?
— At one time, this commission was created on the initiative of Russia. Although, in general, in Europe international relations are not conducted through such commissions. Since Russia told us that in order to continue the work of this commission in accordance with Russian legislation, it needs changes in some internal laws and in an interstate agreement, we are waiting for these steps. And if Russia still deems it necessary, then we are ready to continue working.
— One of the most pressing problems in Estonian-Russian relations is border treaties. You, as Deputy Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament, were against the adoption by the Estonian Parliament in 2005 of a preamble to the law on the ratification of treaties, containing references to the Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920, which the Russian side considers an invalid historical document. Why do you now support this preamble?
— I still believe that adding a reference to the current Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920 to the law on the ratification of border treaties was not necessary. At the same time, I am convinced, and numerous international legal analysts have reached a very similar conclusion, that the Estonian Parliament has done nothing wrong. Since this link has already been added by Estonian legislators, I do not consider it necessary to remove it.
Estonia and Russia have signed technical border agreements. According to international law, during ratification, preambles can be used that do not in any way change the ratified treaties or become part of them. Naturally, the Russian State Duma has the same right. The reference to the Tartu Peace Treaty merely indicates one of the foundations of Estonian-Russian relations and does not impose new or additional obligations on either party. The effectiveness of the Tartu Peace Treaty is confirmed by international law. Let me emphasize once again and very clearly - the preamble to the law on the ratification of border treaties does not change the treaties signed by the Estonian Parliament and does not create any preconditions to make territorial claims.
—Can foreign partners trust a state that first says that a border treaty is a “technical document,” but then accepts a preamble to the treaty, which immediately turns it into a political one with all the ensuing consequences?
-You are starting from the wrong premise. The Estonian Parliament did not add a preamble to the border treaties signed by the Foreign Ministers of Estonia and Russia. We are talking only about the text in the law on the ratification of treaties. In answer to the question, I will say that external partners can trust our state. And they believe him. This is confirmed by Estonia's membership in the EU and NATO.
— You lived and studied for a long time in the USA, which was an ally of the USSR in the Second World War. How do you feel about the fact that in Estonia they intend to dismantle the monument to the soldiers who, together with the Americans, fought against fascism, and about the fact that in Estonia they praise the SS men and erect monuments to them?
— I’ll ask a response question: is this a monument to the victorious Red Army, a monument to fallen victors, or a tombstone for the dead? I respect the perpetuation of the memory of those killed in the war. The exaltation of foreign conquerors, however, is contrary to any people and culture, including, of course, the people of Russia.
-- Do you support the demolition or relocation of the monument to the Soviet Soldier-Liberator in Tallinn?
— I support changing the meaning of the Bronze Soldier (as the monument to the Soviet Soldier-Liberator is called in Estonia. - Ed. ), which would describe everything connected with the Red Army - both the expulsion of the Nazis and the suffering that then befell the Estonian people . Unfortunately, what happened for the Estonian people in 1944 was one criminal regime replaced by another.
— How do you feel about accusations from Russia that the results of the Second World War are being revised in Estonia?
- Estonia, like any other state, objectively considers all the results of the Second World War, such as the defeat of Nazi Germany and the subsequent occupation of Central and Eastern European states.
-- Russia often criticizes Estonia for the situation of national minorities - there are many stateless people in the country, they do not have the opportunity to receive higher education in their native language...
-- The Estonian state has made a lot of efforts to ensure that everyone has the opportunity to learn the Estonian language, obtain Estonian citizenship and be a full member of society. In Estonia, there is essentially no unemployment and there are opportunities for self-realization. I really hope that people of all nationalities consider Estonia their home. Therefore, I cannot agree with the fact that Russia calls representatives of the nationalities living in Estonia - and not only Russians, but also Ukrainians, Belarusians, Kazakhs and others - its compatriots. They are, of course, our compatriots.
- Why are national minorities, which make up about a third of the population of Estonia, not independently represented in parliament, and why are there no representatives in the government and in high positions?
- I have never divided members of parliament into Estonians and non-Estonians. In the 1990s, there were also parties in parliament based on ethnicity, but their role in society became increasingly marginalized. It is now clear that the time for creating “national parties” in Estonia and, apparently, throughout the democratic world has passed or is becoming a thing of the past. Parties are created according to the principle of worldviews. All major parties in Estonia have people of different nationalities, some of them are also members of parliament.
--And yet the national minorities of Estonia have problems?
- People have problems, not nations. In Estonia, we need to develop the social security system, make our educational institutions more competitive, and invest more in infrastructure. We have something to work on. But one thing is clear - the size of a pension, salary or the opportunity to receive medical care if necessary does not depend on nationality in Estonia. No nation is being oppressed or pushed aside. It is impossible to imagine that the Estonian authorities would expel people from the country based on their nationality or go to schools to find out whether children of certain national minorities are studying there. This does not exist in any democratic state that respects human rights!
— Your family was forced to flee Russia after the 1917 revolution, then at the end of the Second World War - from Estonia. Has this affected your attitude towards Russia?
— Let me clarify: my maternal parents left Soviet Russia after the Bolshevik revolution. Mother and father with some other relatives fled to Sweden in 1944. Naturally, among my parents, the suffering of 1940-1941 and after 1944 caused distrust and dissatisfaction with the Soviet Union. My attitude to the politics of the USSR and its legal successor was formed based on my direct foreign policy experience and knowledge. |