Translated material
Leonid Kuchma: After the Maidan
A special place in the book is given to the events of the “Orange Revolution” of November-December 2004 .
The book, published by the Kiev Foundation "Ukraine" and the publishing house "Vremya", will be published in May 2007.
December 8, 2006
Command economy specialist
There was an opinion that I brought Pavel Lazarenko with me from Dnepropetrovsk. This is not true. We did not communicate with him in Dnepropetrovsk. We met when both ended up in parliament. During Soviet times, he headed the agriculture department of the Dnepropetrovsk regional party committee. We were in different weight categories. For the director of Yuzhmash, such a party apparatchik is not a figure. After 1991, he became the president's representative in the region. When Kravchuk lost the presidential election to me, I left Lazarenko in his previous position: I did not want to start personnel changes in my area. At the same time, I knew very well that during the elections he did everything to make me lose.
Pavel Lazarenko ended up in Kyiv thanks to Evgeniy Marchuk. Marchuk was then prime minister. For several months he tried to persuade me to appoint Pavel as First Deputy Prime Minister. Marchuk was not competent in economics. This is not his line of work. He knew that Lazarenko was a business executive, and a strong one. True, how much Pavel understood exactly the market economy is another question. There was no smell of it in the Dnepropetrovsk region. There was a purely command economy, which Lazarenko understood very well. Moreover, it was created for her. But at the same time, he is a master at picking up everything that doesn’t lie well. These people make good entrepreneurs. In the government, he behaved in such a way that Marchuk had practically nothing to do there. In this sense, we can say that Lazarenko survived him. With my decree on the removal of Marchuk, I simply formalized a quickly accomplished fact.
Lazarenko is a strong personality. One of the strongest in Ukraine - at least among those that appeared on its horizon during the years of independence. Enormously efficient! In this respect, only one person is equal to him. This is, of course, Yulia Tymoshenko. If the political reform, which Medvedchuk and I were unable to “push” through the Supreme Council, had been “lobbied” by Lazarenko or Tymoshenko, it would have taken place. There can be no doubt about it. Provided, of course, that they needed it.
In the Marchuk government, Pavel Lazarenko made the main decisions on gas and privatization matters. When he became head of government, these issues naturally remained with him.
We are not Belarus
I could not delve into all the details of gas trading and privatization. Moreover, I will say with all frankness that I was quite far from the specifics of privatization. I simply did not understand much of privatization technology. The International Monetary Fund put pressure on us, demanding the highest rates of this process. This coincided with my vision of the situation. I believed that the sooner the state gets rid of the function of an economic entity, the better. There was simply no other way out. The Verkhovna Rada annually adopted a detailed privatization program. I believed that the rest should be a matter of technique. The main thing is faster! And speed could only be ensured by great administrative and command pressure, the will of people like Lazarenko. To stand over their souls would mean to paralyze the whole process.
This is the harsh truth of life. I don't think it's necessary to hide it. Of course, if this process had been slower, the privatization schemes could have been more transparent. But all the same: it is impossible to carry out privatization fairly, to everyone’s satisfaction. For me this came naturally. I believe that Ukraine needed a leader with such conviction. I can imagine what a person who would put “justice” at the forefront could do. The country would be mired in a destructive squabble for a long time. Privatization is an operation that must either be done without delay, or not done. But if we hadn’t started doing it, we and our huge farm would probably have collapsed.
We are not Belarus. It was “privatized” by one person and survived for ten years on Soviet inertia and Russian privileges. In Belarus, for example, there is no coal industry, but in Ukraine it hung on the neck of the state and pulled it to the bottom. In Belarus there was no huge outdated metallurgical industry... The Belarusian national economy is a post-war economy, as I already said. And after the war, our metallurgy was returned from Siberia, and it creaked for another half a century and even more. It still ranks first in the world among backward industries. There are enterprises where the age of fixed assets is 60-70, or even more years, although the norm is 25. It would be more profitable to demolish everything that was antediluvian and build a new one. I am sure that this would have been done if privatization had been carried out in the Soviet Union in 1950 or immediately after Stalin’s death in 1953. It is enough to compare the state of our metallurgy before and after privatization. In just a few years, more was done in it than in all the years of Soviet power! Such technical re-equipment in such a short time and with such results is only possible for private business.
"Monsters" and "lightweights"
Krivorozhstal is the largest manufacturer of metal products in Ukraine. Its market share reaches 20%. The capacity of the enterprise, which has a full production cycle, is designed for the annual production of over 6 million tons of rolled products, about 7 million tons of steel and more than 7.8 million tons of cast iron. Is it possible, for example, for Moscow to hand over a company that controls 20% of the oil market to foreign hands? What about gas? What about the metals market? The answer is known: no! The same can be said about the USA and a number of other countries. Our metallurgy could and, in my opinion, should have become the basis for the formation of powerful transnational corporations capable of being subjects of global economic processes. We have everything for this. And production capacities, and huge reserves of raw materials: iron ore deposits, world-class reserves of manganese, our own coal, including coking... ( Cut it on your nose, gentlemen, who write and say that I “took” from the state “ Krivorozhstal” and “handed it over” to Akhmetov and Pinchuk, so that, having become its de facto owner after the end of my second presidential term, I would somehow live without Krivorozhstal, but Ukraine would be worse off than it was. I’ll say it again: you can’t make such gifts to foreigners, even for a lot of money. And for clarity, I want to emphasize once again that decisions on the privatization of a particular object in Ukraine are made by the State Property Fund and the President can suspend it by decree. decision of the government, which I did regarding the Odessa Port Plant and Ukrtelecom. Unfortunately, I did not do the same in relation to Krivorozhstal. I understand that my explanations on this matter will not impress everyone. He could, but he didn’t, although the corresponding decree was signed. Why didn't I release it?)
Look at Russia. No matter how anyone criticizes Putin, everyone recognizes that his emphasis on the development of powerful corporations capable of competing in the world market and helping to promote the interests of the Russian state has sharply strengthened Russia’s position in the international arena. Moscow is creating economic “monsters” that can compete with Western “monsters”. There is no other way! “Lightweights” in such areas as metallurgy are doomed to defeat in the competition with “heavyweights”.
At one time, the question of who should own Krivorozhstal sounded like this to me: who will we strengthen, whose financial and industrial groups and corporations - our own or foreign? I believed that it was necessary to strengthen our own. ( As a last resort, leave the enterprise behind the state. In general, if a mistake is made in such matters, it is better not to rush to correct it: you can repeat it. The proceeds were and floated away, and Ukraine lost Krivorozhstal. As for the money, the price, it is for in two or three years it can double, the market is a market. And why should we shout again that by selling the plant to an Indian, we were selling the plant at a low price? Again, look for the culprits and make a revolution to punish them and restore “justice”?) Moreover, in Ukraine, unlike Russia, does not have many areas where we had the potential to form “monsters”. Metallurgy is perhaps the main one. In the same vein, I considered the formation of such (state) monopolies as NJSC Energy Company of Ukraine and NJSC Coal Company of Ukraine. I wanted to create powerful players in the market, capable of setting ambitious goals and objectives.
The objective prerequisite for privatization, and rapid privatization, was precisely the poor state of industry and the deterioration of fixed assets of enterprises. I would like to emphasize this with all my might. There was no other real way to stop the collapse of this base and move forward. It seems that no one has yet spoken about this clearly and reasonably enough. Apparently, it is worth paying attention to another nuance of Ukrainian privatization. It is directly related to the “selling for next to nothing” thesis. In Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic, enterprises were sold for money, and many of them were bought by foreigners. This seems to be a plus: the treasury received money, enterprises received investments. But this plus is short-term (by the way, it has already exhausted itself). A significant part of production (including high-tech ones, for example, in the military-industrial complex) in these countries has been lost - enterprises have been repurposed or closed altogether. Some were bought by foreigners in order to get rid of a competitor in such a simple way. Now these states participate in the European division of labor largely at the rank of “junior” - assembly production is located there. But the political independence of a country largely depends on who controls its economy. Ukraine, like Russia, has chosen a different path of privatization. The objects mainly went to domestic businesses. Accordingly, our countries have greater potential for independence. Despite all the costs and losses of the 90s, we retained high-tech industries - defense, rocketry, aviation. This is how I see the future of Ukraine.
Lazarenko's escape is a secret behind seven seals
I understand populism before the presidential elections, during the elections and immediately after them. Appealing to the masses and promising “restoration of justice” is a common thing in the political struggle, which we can observe in all countries of the former socialist camp, and not only there. But, of course, I feel sorry that experts are silent - people who know how things were under the “Kuchma regime” and why it was this way and not otherwise.
When Lazarenko left the government, he decided to become a people's deputy. Of course, they nominated him in the Dnepropetrovsk region. She was the one who gave him the votes he needed. In other regions it received zeros. This is how his “Hromada” ended up in parliament. She could not form a separate faction: there were not enough “bayonets”. Then Lazarenko went, as they say, with tempting offers for other factions. There were those willing to come under his leadership. This is how he organized his faction. And she became the owner of the “golden share”! This was first evident in the selection of the chairman of parliament. They voted for Moroz ten times, eight times for Symonenko. Kravchuk and Plyushch were two votes short. Lazarenko promised them the support of his faction, and when it came down to it, he broke his promise. It took two months to elect the chairman of parliament! Finally, Tkachenko became chairman. Yulia Tymoshenko, as a member of Hromada, received a budget committee. Hromada also got a number of other leading committees.
Lazarenko had no reason to complain about his fate. He became a member of the European Parliamentary Assembly and, as the leader of the faction, often traveled to Brussels. But when he was caught in Switzerland with a Panamanian passport, the Verkhovna Rada gladly voted to deprive Pavel Ivanovich Lazarenko of parliamentary immunity. It was February 17, 1999. More than 300 deputies agreed with the proposal of the Prosecutor General's Office to bring Lazarenko to criminal liability!
At that time, the Prosecutor General's Office was investigating five criminal cases directly or indirectly related to his name:
-- on facts of theft of state property on an especially large scale by officials of the Naukova agricultural company in the Dnepropetrovsk region, which, by order of the former Prime Minister of Ukraine P. Lazarenko, was illegally granted a loan in the amount of 10 million 970 thousand dollars at the expense of public funds;
-- on facts of abuse of power by officials of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine when allocating funds for the renovation of the country house in which P. Lazarenko lived, and the illegal transfer of this house for rent to a commercial structure in the city of Dnepropetrovsk;
-- on the facts of illegal opening of foreign currency accounts outside Ukraine for a citizen of Ukraine P. Lazarenko;
-- on facts of abuse and abuse of power by officials of the industrial and financial corporation "Unified Energy Systems of Ukraine", headed by Yu. Tymoshenko, in the receipt and use of humanitarian aid for Ukraine;
-- on facts of theft of public funds on an especially large scale by officials of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine during the acquisition abroad from the GHP company of six prefabricated houses for the recreation center of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. (An American court later dropped this charge).
Pavel immediately flew to Greece, then foolishly to America. Why Lazarenko decided to flee the country is a sealed mystery. He probably thought that he would sit out overseas. He bought the richest villa, took the children...
It's a pity for Ukrainian money
Did I know about his “commercial” activities as prime minister? Did I know that Julia was one of the most important characters with him? Did I know about the same “gas schemes” that allowed some people to get rich beyond measure? Or about equally profitable privatization “schemes”... I suspected. But we must keep in mind that this activity did not last long. To stop it at the very beginning, I would have to establish special surveillance over him from the first days of Pavel’s work as prime minister. This would mean that I appointed to such a high position a person whom I obviously do not trust. But then why would I prescribe it? This is an absurd assumption. Any sane person, after thinking a little, will agree with me. I'm sure of it. Every leader always has some suspicions or expectations that they will let you down. But if you give free rein to suspicions, it will be impossible to work productively. All your work will come down to spying on your subordinates and nominees. And this is already a disease. You won’t last long in a leadership position with such an illness. After all, your responsibility is to ensure results. And exposing an official subordinate to you cannot be considered the result for which you are in your chair.
The effectiveness of a plant director, minister, head of a city, district or region under Soviet rule was measured by specific indicators - the percentage of fulfillment of production and financial plans. This is how things stand after Soviet rule, and it cannot be otherwise. The first and most important thing you look at is how a person copes with his work, with his main responsibilities, what are the indicators of the area entrusted to him. I looked at Pavel Lazarenko in exactly the same way after his appointment to the government. I must say that the first results of his activities satisfied me. Well, when the results of other activities - illegal ones - became obvious, he was immediately fired. That's all, actually. Anatoly Matvienko, chairman of the People's Democratic Party, did a lot to expose Lazarenko.
Lazarenko could not help but play the gambling game of hoarding. He couldn't help but combine. Such a nature. Didn't neglect anything. He authorized, for example, the purchase of panel houses in California. There they were sold for three kopecks, but here - about a hundred thousand dollars. One hundred thousand dollars of budget money! Moreover, it is impossible to live in these houses in Ukraine. Ukraine is not California. They were forced to cover them with bricks. And inside... I went into one and choked with indignation: why was so much money paid out from the state treasury, in which every dollar was then accounted for?! He apparently could no longer stop. He couldn't wait to become a billionaire. The Russians told me that Pavel was worried about one question: does Vyakhirev already have a billion? He asked this question in Moscow to everyone he could: “Does Vyakhirev have a billion?” He probably asked Vyakhirev himself - they were friends. At that time, it was believed that there was no one in Russia richer than Vyakhirev. Then there was no hearing either Khodorkovsky or Abramovich.
It’s a pity for Ukrainian money that Lazarenko spent and probably continues to spend on American lawyers. He ended up in a country where a person with money can sue as much as he likes. There are lawyers who take three thousand dollars per hour of their work. So he pays, changing them in packs. Under American laws, from the arrested accounts you can take money for lawyers. So they dragged on the process.
“Dad, I'm sorry! Dad, I'm sorry! I will never again! "
I recall one episode associated with it (Pavel Lazarenko. - Ed. ). When he was appointed Prime Minister, I sent him to Moscow. Before that, I talked with Chernomyrdin, who then held the post of Prime Minister of Russia. “Please accept this person. I have high hopes for him. ” A day later, Chernomyrdin calls me: "Who did you send it to me?" -“Pavel Lazarenko, the new Prime Minister of Ukraine. What is it? " - “He is a crook. That's what it is. " Soon Viktor Stepanovich arrived in Kyiv. We went with him in Zayzhey - to breathe in the forest air, to talk without interference. Neither hunting nor fishing were provided. “Well,” I say, “post what you have against my new prime minister.” - “He offered me the money! I had to expel the fool. " I was taken aback by: "What other money?!" - “Green. Bucks. You are me, I - you. So he was going to build Ukrainian-Russian relations. In particular, gas. I decided to connect my personal material interest for fidelity. ” It seems that I had never been so ashamed of Ukraine. “You,” I say, “can you repeat it all in his presence?” -- "Can. Although once again it is not the greatest pleasure to see him. ” They called Paul. Chernomyrdin tells him: "Well, what can you say in your excuse?" - "What is it, Viktor Stepanovich?" - “And what you suggested to me. Moreover, a long -playing bribe, on a constant, so to speak, basis. Or will you deny? " Pavel turned to me and knelt down: “Dad, I'm sorry! Dad, I'm sorry! I will never again! ” Viktor Stepanovich gained full light air and began “educational work”. I joined. Birds from the trees immediately flew all, it seems, to one. And Lazarenko stands in the grass on his knees ... but not worth it, but fidgets with them, collects greens on his pants, hugs my knees and cries with real tears: “Sorry, dad!” Yes, "Sorry, Viktor Stepanovich!" By the way, when he was in the Chernomyrdin’s office, in the dressing room she expected the results of the meeting, Yulia Vladimirovna Tymoshenko ...
Tymoshenko believes that I planted her
Julia fiercely hates me for being a defendant in criminal cases and even spent some time in imprisonment. She believes that I planted her. It is useless to convince her, but I, of course, did not try. She is sure that the first person in the state can do anything. She spread this confidence as herself as a second person, when he became him after the “Orange Revolution” . No idea about the existence of laws and rules. I said I decided - and it will be so. I had interesting dialogs with her. She is me: “Leonid Danilovich, a criminal case was brought against me. Close it! " I - to her: “Julia, how can I close? Go to the prosecutor’s office, explain, answer questions. ” “They don't listen to me. They don't believe me. " - "Julia, but I can’t order them: believe it!"