
Victor Cherkesov decided to publish
ThisThe letter is clearly not in order to rescue comrades from Lefortovo - such issues are not resolved. And about this to the former investigator of the Leningrad UKGB, the ex-consumer of the FSB, who, by its own admission, is well known.
Therefore, it is strange to perceive his statement as an attempt to stop “hitting” the department and affect the president - that is, almost as an act of desperation of Cherkesov, the cry of the soul (since he writes, then there is no access to the body). If this is the last battle, then it is necessary to name those who are harmful to the case of building a Chekist corporation - and in a letter to Cherkesov there are not even the abbreviation of the FSB, not only specific surnames.
It’s just that the FSB does not use PR technology in this battle (this department has forgotten how to work with the press in general-since the TSOS headed Zdanovich, who managed to fail everything that was possible in the image of the special services, and found worthy successors of his business). And the State Directorate of Control uses them, the benefit of Cherkesov is Alexander Mikhailov-the main authority of PR among the security forces, who managed to visit the head of the press service of the FSB, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the government and even the main propagandist of the Second Chechen War during the service, at the initial stage.
Cherkesov is not in vain referring to his first open letter, published in Komsomolskaya Pravda in 2004. The use of open letters for him is a strategy, not a surge of emotions. The arrest of associates here is only an occasion for a public application for leadership in the power block. Last time, there was no such good reason, so the effect of the article was less, but now it was lucky.
It should be borne in mind that with all the anecdotalness of individual parts of the letter about the Chekist corporation for a civilian person (here is the inappropriate pathos and strange comparisons - society usually stands on the pillars, and does not hang on the hook, as in the torture) - this is a person’s statement with great ambitration, large hardware weight and, possibly, great prospects.
Whatever the absurd actions in the opinion of an ordinary person Circassians did in his career, they led only to one result - to the growth of this career. In the late 80s, when everything was already clear, Cherkesov, as the head of the investigative department of the Leningrad KGB, opened the case under the 70th article against Yuri Rybakov and Valeria Novodvorskaya, who then created the “Democratic Union”. At a specially organized press conference, he announced that he had disclosed the conspiracy of the anti-soils, and brought the Fax searched during the search as evidence. This was the last thing in the USSR under this article, Cherkesov was ridiculed by the entire St. Petersburg intelligentsia, but this did not affect his official position in the new state. In 1992, Cherkesov became the head of the entire St. Petersburg department.
In 1996, Cherkesov was the initiator of the “spy” case against the ecologist Nikitin, the case failed, the court justified Nikitin in all respects, and Circassov was appointed the first deputy director of the FSB.
Having headed the state tanks, Cherkesov managed to collect such a team of professionals that the department from one public scandal smoothly moved to another: instead of drug lords, they are trying to put veterinarians for using ketamin as an anesthetic, they are judged by the MAC grown up at her dacha. However, Cherkessov only strengthened his authority in the administration, earned the image of "hardly the only uncorrupated leader."
In 2004, Cherkesov publishes a strange letter about Chekism in Komsomolskaya Pravda, and in response, Putin entrusts his department with the operational support of cases of Chinese smuggling. And recently, Cherkesov managed to put several of his people at the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
But before that, only the FSB succeeded in such tricks. But the Lubyanka has the powers (the full name of the FSB “control” of the FSB - the counterintelligence support department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Emergencies, the Ministry of Emergency Situations, and it is its employees who come “to strengthen” at the Ministry of Internal Affairs), and the State Directorate does not have such functions.
If the usual logic is not applicable to the rules that act in the Kremlin, then why does it seem to us that the letter in Kommersant should follow almost the resignation of Cherkesov, and not his elevation? This “gray, mediocre person who has not pronounced qualities, who was distinguished by only one thing - the ability to lie in the eyes without blushing” (by
expressionThe St. Petersburg dissident Vyacheslav Dolinin, who took place in 1982 in the case of the publication of Bulletin MOT, which Circassians who led), it seems that all domestic political scientists know that the authorities are required now. And until he was mistaken.