"Well, I think it's begun"

On February 2, what is considered the brightest stage began presidential campaign - campaigning of candidates in the media. True, the videos of the applicants themselves will be shown only on weekdays, that is, starting this morning. We will see, as the communists promised, “Zyuganov, whom we have not yet seen,” and Zhirinovsky, whom everyone has already seen for twenty years. It is possible that the 10 million rubles allocated by candidate Bogdanov to himself will also be enough for election videos - otherwise his rating, which was within the statistical error, may not rise.

It is to “TV” that the systemic oppositionists are going to give their money. According to their technologists, during a federal campaign, investing in trips to the regions and meetings with voters is a thankless task. It’s generally a pity to invest in a campaign with the current balance of power. But it has to. On the one hand, it is uncomfortable in front of the Kremlin, because the new president must defeat not the security guard Malyshkin or even the understudy Bogdanov. On the other hand, the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party themselves have problems. They both need second place. Some are threatened by a raider takeover by A Just Russia and Trotskyism, others are simply threatened by an inglorious disappearance after Vladimir Zhirinovsky leaves the political scene. At the same time, missing two presidential campaigns in a row is simply indecent.

As a result, we have campaigning from the election commission (“Everyone goes to the polls!”) and professionally, but without drive, actors playing their not new role. Citizens can only accept this as a political struggle. Regional elections taking place in parallel (in some places there will be elections for local parliaments, in others for heads of municipalities), even in the faint shadow of the presidential campaign, are still invisible. Moreover, they mostly involve branches of parliamentary parties that are busy with federal tasks.

Without seeing the political life, international observers from the OSCE almost decided not to come to us. They were unable to reach an agreement even at the Duma elections - they wanted more than what the Central Election Commission was capable of. This time, the “rebellious” OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) asked the Central Election Commission to allow European observers to come to Russia three weeks before the presidential elections, and not three days before March 2, as Russia proposed.

Indeed, why bother Russians preparing for the next democratic elections for so long? All the positive indicators are already there, so please trust us as you trust yourself. But no - so Vladimir Churov is ready to meet with the head of the mission on the 4th or 8th, come and tell us what’s wrong with you. And at the same time, finally, tell us “how monitoring is carried out.” Even with all the doubts about the expediency and effectiveness of the mission, putting oneself in the position of a harmful host is not very polite; it’s like inviting someone to visit, but complaining that the road is blocked with snow, and there will be nothing to treat them with. True, the possible (third in the history of the OSCE) refusal to monitor the voting will not harm the most likely President Medvedev. The mission rather has complaints against Russia based on the number of candidates.

The regions have been spared not only by the election campaign, but also by the new composition of the Ministry of Regional Development. Dmitry Kozak, the new head of the ministry, spoke in general terms about the regional development program at the Russia International Economic Forum, which should start working in 2008. To increase regional independence, it is proposed to divide the country into seven or ten economic zones, regardless of the division into federal districts. Each will be assigned an economic specialization, and the allocation of money from the investment fund will depend on the success of its development. Mr. Kozak seems to want to give more independence and responsibility to the regions. But most likely, he has not yet figured out how to do this without political reform. Governors will still not stop looking at the center and the interests of state corporations, and the center will not stop perceiving regional heads as contractors. At the same time, the political work of governors is determined by a list of indicators approved almost a year ago, but economic success will be measured by a different list? What do you think will be the main list for a Kremlin-appointed governor?

Daria GUSEVA, Russian Newsweek, - specially for Vremya Novostei