
Just the other day, the scientific council of the Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of Sciences living, like most academic institutions, self-sufficient, distant from politics, was going to peacefully celebrate the 180th birthday of Boris Nikolayevich Chicherin. And suddenly: calls from the presidential administration - just like in the old days when the old square did not ignore the flagship philosophical institution of the country, the official television sends the cameras, in a word, a commotion on the Volkhonka, 14. (This house, where the institute is located, by the way, encroaches the director of the visual art museum Irina Antonova.) What was the same in the former priest Golitsyn?
Chicherin VS Ilyin
It would seem that Chicherin’s new power? What is the central television, from which to philosophy and other metaphysical matters - several light years, one of the Russian thinkers of the century before last? But what: Chicherin is a liberal, but at the same time a statesman. That is, a figure that accurately meets all the parameters of the request formulated by the authorities in the ideological sphere. The authorities are looking for ideological supports: new (or, conversely, old) ideas, new (old) names, new (old) political scientists, provokes discussions and disputes, expands the line of participants. It is said: freedom is better than not free. So, Boris Chicherin is better than Ivan Ilyin, whose journalism, repeatedly cited by the previous president, if called a spade a spade, was near -fascist in nature. An attempt to nationalize Chicherin with the ideological authorities of not only the symptom of ideological hunger and an attempt to understand what banner to move on, but, also, admitted, a rather accurate choice of the figure (if the fascination with this thinker is not limited to enveloping the institution of philosophy). Chicherin believed exclusively in modernization from above. Alexander Ivanovich Herzen ironically said to him: “Why do you want to be a professor and are looking for a department? You must be a minister and look for a portfolio. ” Exactly in this matrix - bureaucratic liberalism - and now the bosses are looking for a way out of an ideological impasse, into which the political elite rested after the “Luzhnikovskaya” speech of Vladimir Putin.
The best critic
Having taken the authorities, the leading party and its intellectual servant decided that now the very possibility of discussion could be allowed. Moreover, at one of the events devoted to naturally, the discussion of democracy, in which not only the official spawks of the “leading and guide” participated, but also the “fellow travelers”, the head of the Institute of Public Design (Navy), he is also the chairman of the Commission of the Public Chamber, he is the editor -in -chief of the Expert magazine and one of the leaders of the liberal wing of the “United Russia” proposed legislative To fix the duty of parties to conduct inter -party election discussions. It is clear that from the height of the occupied position - the authorities were taken seriously and for a long time - it is easy to talk about those debates that United Russia refused the previous campaign, but the very fact of “recesses” is symptomatic. As symptomatic, the fact that the principal and influential opponents of this idea were immediately found inside the party.
The foreigner has turned into that institution, which, apparently, will swing the intellectual environment according to the plan of ideologists: it was announced that the institute would become the largest non -governmental brantal in the field of social sciences. Among the thematic blocks under which grants are given, there are, for example, the following: “non -violent modernization. How to modernize the country in conditions of democracy ”; “Forms and methods of forming a responsible elite. Ways and criteria for updating the elite. " “Modernization” and “updating” become key words-signs, with the help of which the ideological authorities are trying to reanimate humanitarian thought and expand the bench of reserve political scientists. And she is still limited to a well -known set of names from Vyacheslav Nikonov to Andranik Migranan. Inopa media premiums are completely playful: among the nominations there are, for example, such a “best critic of power”.
Liberals in the law
The direct competitor of Inopa, who, now expressed as outdated terms, represented the “Surkovsky tower” of the Kremlin,-the Institute of Modern Development (Incor), the former Rio Center. Here, “terry” liberal experts from the “Lihh” of the 90s were opposed. In the board of the institute - Alexander Auzan, Evgeny Gontmamer, Vladimir Mau. In the Board of Trustees, along with the official liberals Dmitry Medvedev, Anton Ivanov, Elvira Nabiullina and Arkady Dvorkovich, the teacher of the last two Yevgeny Yasin. According to the logic of things, this synclit of intellectuals should prepare the next version of the modernization breakthrough of Russia. The liberal breakthrough, because the above people cannot come up with any other.
The Fifth Column was discovered even in the estate of Vladimir Putin - the government. In the person of the Voloshin-Medvedevsky frame, First Deputy Prime Minister Igor Shuvalov. General pathos of his speeches at the St. Petersburg Economic Forum (see certificate in the fields) and the confidence that representatives of the state will be displayed from the board of directors of the companies, and state corporations will be managed according to the principles of corporate governance, inherent in private companies, have been made a lot of noise and were awarded the prime minister’s annoyed replicas: “To travel on various events is an important thing, of course, but it is necessary Watch and what people live! "
Shuvalov - a second person in the government, a figure that replaces the head of the Cabinet of Ministers of Putin. And it is he who becomes the liberal window of the government.
I wonder if all this is agreed with Vladimir Vladimirovich, who clearly does not like the “worldly glory” of his first deputy?
The main question: why do the Medvedevites and the Surkovites need a thaw or its visibility?
One of the explanations: they turned out to be (remained) in power, and this power - except for the Putin's “security forces”, which it is too early to write off the ship of our time, is absolute. You need to do something so that the country does not crash. Being technocrats and people who perfectly understand that the economic well -being is very fragile, they are looking for ways and ways to modernize, maybe not wanting it themselves. But for the quasiliberal part of our establishment, liberalization and modernization is a matter of self -survival and preserving oneself in power.
True, in order for plans to be implemented, it is necessary to solve the question of who is more important: “liberals” or “security forces”, Medvedev vertical or Putin.