"Apple" from an apple tree

The Yabloko party carried out Operation Successor. On a much reduced scale, the “Putin plan” was implemented, when the former leader formally leaves, while remaining a “national leader”, and continues to control his successor

The permanent leader of Yabloko, Grigory Yavlinsky, was replaced as chairman of the party by Moscow City Duma deputy Sergei Mitrokhin. Yavlinsky announced his resignation only at the congress, and for most of the delegates this came as a complete surprise. True, not for the party apparatus. Yevgenia Dillendorf, a spokeswoman for the leader and member of the party bureau, told The New Times that Yavlinsky shared his plans with her in January. And the new chairman Sergei Mitrokhin, in an interview with The New Times, said that in December 2007, immediately after the elections to the State Duma, Yavlinsky invited him to his place and asked if Mitrokhin was ready to lead the party? Mitrokhin replied that he was ready.

As for the party's asset, the congress delegates, they were informed of the upcoming revolutionary changes on the eve of the vote. The congress opened on Saturday, and the day before, Yavlinsky held a meeting of the party bureau and a meeting with representatives of regional branches. However, secrecy was maintained. The usual leak for Democrats did not happen. This is explained simply: everyone was distracted by something completely different. Grigory Yavlinsky apparently had a very fruitful relationship with Vladimir Putin, and the cover operation was a 100% success.

“The congress should sum up the results of the intra-party discussion,” Yavlinsky said in early April, and since there was no discussion, he initiated it, hinting that “radicals” represented by the leader of Youth Yabloko, Ilya Yashin, and head of the St. Petersburg organization Maxim Reznik (The New Times, No. 14, April 7, 2008). Public swearing did not add to the popularity of Yabloko, and it was difficult to call it a discussion. The final chord of the confrontation between the "radicals" and the "moderates" was the speech of Sergei Mitrokhin, in which he dubbed Yashin and Reznik "saboteurs", saying that the party would only benefit from their exclusion. The active event was a success: the attention of the public was diverted.

In the end, there were no exceptions, although at the congress a number of regional delegates put forward a proposal to expel the "radicals". Grigory Yavlinsky himself turned to the congress delegates with a request not to consider this issue. The reason became clear when the Yabloko leader announced the creation of a new structure - a political committee (PC), which allows him to retain control over all party affairs. ¹ . The functions of the committee are virtually unlimited: it can appoint extraordinary congresses, through which the new leader of the party, Sergei Mitrokhin, will have to carry out all serious political decisions. At the same time, in addition to political functions, the committee also acquired economic functions, so that the financing of Yabloko also remains under the control of Yavlinsky.

After the creation of the PC, the existence of other party bodies, for example, the same Yabloko bureau, seems absolutely meaningless. It is symptomatic that Grigory Yavlinsky put his list of 34 people to the vote at the congress. He did not receive full party support - only 15 of his nominees were elected to the bureau. But the St. Petersburg "radical" Maxim Reznik managed to keep his place, but Ilya Yashin did not get into the new composition of the bureau.

How the fate of Grigory Yavlinsky himself will turn out is still a mystery. There are a lot of rumors about this. The two most popular are: Yavlinsky will either head the agency for environmental affairs and then be directly subordinate to Deputy Prime Minister Igor Sechin, or leave as ambassador either to France or to the United States - in both countries these prestigious offices are still vacant.

Sergei Mitrokhin (left) became Grigory Yavlinsky's successor (right)

Where is the Apple going? The New Times asked this question to well-known members of the party

Victor Sheinis, member of the political committee, deputy of the State Duma in 1993-1999

I learned about Yavlinsky's decision to leave a few days before the congress, when he informed his closest circle of this. For Yavlinsky, Yabloko is the most important thing in life, he will account for it before God, so he is extremely interested in the fact that the party exists after him. There may be other motives, but I don't want to talk about them. So far, the main riddle is the role of the political committee formed at the congress. According to the regulation, it must meet at least once every three months. But in this case, his decisions will be only of the most general nature. At the same time, there is one more circumstance, namely, the organization of the committee. It has no first person. Although I believe that Yavlinsky will remain the informal leader not only of the committee, but of the party itself. Its value in potential exceeds the value of any other member and the party as a whole.

Ilya Yashin, leader of the Youth Yabloko

I learned about Yavlinsky's resignation the day before the congress. This was discussed on Friday in the lobby, when the party bureau was being held. For many, this came as a surprise. Not everyone believed. Yavlinsky simply did not put forward his candidacy. And this is also the result of an internal party discussion. Many voiced the opinion that he should stay. Someone said: he must go. Yavlinsky had the opportunity to learn the point of view of his party comrades in full. I think that this decision will bring cardinal changes in the party. But not at once. It is like an avalanche that descends slowly at first, and then gains speed and mass. The main thing is that the process has begun. By the way, just before the congress, I also learned about the creation of a PC. It seems to me that it would be much more correct to introduce the institution of co-chairs. The argument that this will lead to a split does not stand up to scrutiny. Now there is a danger of dual power. Because the committee is endowed with enormous powers, and the bureau, by and large, means nothing, and it has already been announced that it will not even meet before autumn.

Maxim Reznik, leader of the St. Petersburg Yabloko

The fact that Yavlinsky might leave the first roles, I learned in early June. It was a private conversation. But for many delegates it was a revelation. By decision of the congress, continuity has been preserved, and there will be no radical changes. Mitrokhin will continue Yavlinsky's line. But it is still a very important process. The majority supports Yavlinsky, but the majority reacted extremely negatively to the proposal to expel Yashin and me. Result: none of the initiators of this proposal entered the governing bodies of the party. Previously, it was impossible to imagine that Yavlinsky would submit 34 candidates, and only 15 people from his list would be elected.

Alexey Arbatov, member of the political committee

About a week later, I learned about Yavlinsky's decision. We met on other matters, but we also discussed issues of the congress. He said that there is such an idea, and I said that it was right. For most of his step, probably, all the same, it was a surprise. Although on Friday there was still a bureau, and everyone there already became aware of it. There could hardly be a discussion here. It's his personal decision not to run, so what is there to discuss? You can talk about who will be the new chairman, but this was discussed at the congress for quite a long time. One way or another, but the course will be preserved, because it is determined by the collective leadership, now it is a political committee, and before there were bureaus and deputy chairmen. Although I would like a change. I believe that our party must be transformed and become a full-fledged social democratic party.

Evgenia Dillendorf, bureau member

So far it is difficult to say what will happen next, but I think that the apparatus of the party will be reformed. And the political course is absolutely clear. The so-called internal opposition lost. This was shown by the vote for the political platform (102 for, 4 against), the vote for the structure (108 for, 2 against), and the vote for the chairman of the party, when the current one won 60% of the vote, and the other two - 19%. and 16%.

Igor Ermolenko, leader of the Samara Yabloko

Rumors about Yavlinsky's resignation began on June 19, the day before the congress, the day when there was a meeting with the regions, and then the bureau. But neither there, nor there, he himself said nothing about it. Unfortunately, much has not been brought up for discussion. It all came down to the “mochilov” of the dissenting opposition, not in the most decent forms for the party. At the same time, proposals for restructuring the party were not discussed in principle.

Maria Dronova, leader of the Sverdlovsk Yabloko

I became aware of Yavlinsky's resignation at the congress, but I guessed two weeks before that. The formation of the political committee of the party did not come as a surprise. Its functions were predetermined. At the congress itself, only an addition was made that the committee would have a restrictive function in relation to the chairman of the party and the opportunity to convene an extraordinary congress. The committee has the right to do so without a chairman. Now we are waiting for change.

Vyacheslav Igrunov, former head of the Moscow Yabloko

Increasingly, there are people who are ready to come out as open opponents of Yavlinsky. He made a beautiful move and handed over the game to young people without bringing the situation to a crash. At the same time, Yavlinsky did not go anywhere. To date, the political committee allows him to fully manage the party, remaining the most prominent figure in Yabloko, the only channel for its financing. On the other hand, Mitrokhin, holding the post of leader, will not put up with the situation that he is an inferior leader for very long, especially since Sergei is a rather conflicted and uncompromising person. The question is not so much what the position of Mitrokhin or the party will be, but what stake the Kremlin will place on such opposition.

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1 In addition to Yavlinsky and Mitrokhin, it included such prominent Yabloko members as Sergei Ivanenko, Alexei Arbatov, Igor Artemiev, Sergei Kovalev, Viktor Sheinis, Alexei Yablokov, Mikhail Amosov, and Elena Dubrovina.