True Rashid

Why is Minister Nurgaliev NOT SURN

Faithful Rashid, or features of the national reform of the Ministry of Internal Affairs

Judging by the information tape, it seems that the next Monday is about to begin to take place in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, as a result of which police officers-of those who are not fired, will begin to protect citizens, investigators will stop taking bribes, and traffic cops will become the best friends of pedestrians and motorists. At least they will stop moving the former and plow the wallets of the second. However, only a very naive person is able to believe that the motivation of any reforms of law enforcement agencies in modern Russia can be something else other than managing their loyalty. Forget: even on official statements, the reform will begin no earlier than January 1, 2012. If it starts at all.

The latest story

Back in the middle of last year, several political “centers of power” announced claims to the post of head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. This is precisely what explains the loud conversations about the reform of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the investigation, and the ongoing powerful public campaign, aimed at the resignation of Rashid Nurgaliev, as well as the amazing survivability of this minister not beloved by society. The fight of the Duumvirs and their devices for the office on the Zhitnoy, where the headquarters of the Ministry of Internal Affairs is located, began the next morning after the fatal on April 27, 2009, when the head of the Tsaritsyno Department of Internal Affairs Major Denis Evsyukov opened fire on visitors to the Ostrov supermarket. Familiar to the situation, employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs claim that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin at first indifferently reacted to the President’s decision to resign the head of the Moscow Central Internal Affairs Directorate of Moscow Vladimir Pronin. But he resolutely opposed the proposal of Medvedev and the head of his administration Sergei Naryshkin “in a bag” with Pronin to dismiss the Minister of Nurgaliev. President Dmitry Medvedev, inspired by ambitious “neighboring” officials - the head of the Kremlin control department Konstantin Chuychenko and Minister of Justice Alexander Konovalov, insisted on his own. Rumor has it that they, as well as another presidential classmate, the envoy in the Urals Federal District Nikolai Vinnichenko themselves were not averse to entering the ministerial office. In the struggle, according to police rumor, were intervened by Nurgaliev’s colleagues - the first deputy minister Mikhail Sukhodolsky and Deputy Minister Yevgeny School, curator of the fight against economic crimes and the former colleague of the prime minister of the Dresden residency of the KGB of the KGB of the USSR.
Putin won. Nurgaliev was amplified, and the Kremlin managed to refer to the post of head of the capital's Central Internal Affairs Directorate with the prime minister of only the fifth candidate-the ex-head of the Internal Affairs Directorate in the Oryol region Vladimir Kolokoltsev. True, it took four months, but for the loyalty of Kolokoltsev, a colleague of the prime minister for work in the UKGB in the Leningrad Region and Leningrad, the plenipotentiary in the Central Federal District Georgy Poltavchenko personally entrusted with the loyalty of Kolokoltsev. It was he who carried out the general leadership of Major General Kolokoltsev by the operation to “clean up” the authorities and the main businesses of Orthovna from relatives and friends of the ex-governor Yegor Stroev. * * Essay on the new head of the Moscow Central Internal Affairs Directorate Vladimir Kolokoltsev was published in The New Times No. 41 of November 16, 2009 (see special -an -know ).

In the struggle for ...

The national features of the reform of law enforcement agencies are not the first to amaze the imagination of contemporaries. So, in June 2007, investigative units were pulled out of the Unified General Prosecutor's Office with meat, rudely and hastily blinding the Investigative Committee from them at the prosecutor's office of the Russian Federation. Vladimir Putin was then preparing to jump from the Kremlin to the White House. Therefore, I felt for the benefit of the most to “dilute” the leaders of the power and law enforcement agencies, just in case, to protect themselves from their consolidated unfriendly actions. Both main players in the Ministry of Internal Affairs - Minister Rashid Nurgaliev and the head of the Investigative Committee at the Ministry of Internal Affairs Alexei Anichin - are closed to the remote control of the head of state. The first is the protege of Nikolai Patrushev, one of the most influential Putin's associates, who headed the FSB in those days. The second - from the cohort of classmates of Vladimir Vladimirovich for the law faculty of LSU named after A.A. Zhdanova. Why not do the same in the system of the Prosecutor General? The successor will be much more difficult to negotiate with the two proteges of the predecessor than with one. This operation was officially called the “investigative reform”: it was even believed that soon the SCP at the prosecutor’s office would allegedly become the core of the United Investigative Committee, which would bring the relevant divisions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, state and customs.

FSB VS FSO

However, Putin’s classmate Alexander Bastrykin, who headed the UK, was made by the First Deputy Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika, the chief opponent of the “Investigation Reform”. Accordingly, it was the seagull who disposed of the unified budget line of allocations to the activities of the Prosecutor General and the UPP. This is a “brilliant” managerial decision that provoked a two -year interdepartmental war and a multi -month paralysis of the prosecutor’s investigation, has become the fruit of a technical compromise between competing power clans involved in the fate of the Great Dmitrovka. Bastrykin was supported by the FSB and the then deputy head of the Kremlin administration, and now the omnipotent oil deputy prime minister Igor Sechin. Seagull - the leadership of the Federal Security Service. Bastrykin ultimately lost the war with the Prosecutor General. Its experienced opponent, who managed to fit into the new Kremlin team, sent an unlucky St. Petersburg provincial to a political butter. Only a madman can now think about creating a new investigative body on the basis of the compromised Bastrykin department. So the current conversations about the creation of the United Investigative Committee are likely to end there the same thing as all the previous ones.

The Kremlin vs is living

Under President Medvedev, Army General Patrushev, as you know, moved to the post of secretary of the Security Council. This significantly weakened the positions of its clientelers not only in the FSB and UKP at the prosecutor's office, but also in the Ministry of the Interior. What the associates of Medvedev took advantage of. And although the first round they lost to the premiere, the failure did not discourage them. Major Dymovsky and the famous “Police Golden Bed” appeared on the stage, for some unusual money (budget) purchased for the minister. The news editions of state television channels, which had recently considered such topics “Chernukha”, suddenly began to serve for the audience almost all cases of killing people with police officers. It turned out that in 2009, the number of criminal cases on charges of police officers in official crimes increased by 20%, and the number of citizens' complaints of the police was 13%. Nurgaliev’s resignation was not required only by the lazy.
Finally, on September 25, 2009, Medvedev, who had already entrusted with several classmates, the key posts in the judicial investigation system, appointed the first deputy head of the Investigative Committee at the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, another-Tatyana Gerasimova. * * The New Times wrote in detail about this in No. 44 of December 7, 2009 . This is a huge department, about a state of about a third more than the prosecutor’s SCP, it is investigating the lion's share of economic crimes. In December 2009, the head of the UK, Lieutenant General Anichin, was preparing to celebrate his 60th anniversary. But the head of state did not express the desire to extend the life of him, although no further, as in January last year, Anichin received the status of the deputy minister. It became clear that in the person of Gerasimova he was sent a shifter. Here Medvedev already touched the detonator. No one knows what arguments Prime Minister Putin resorted to, who arrived on December 1 to the successor to the “slide” residence, but Anichin has so far.
And after this, the theme of Nurgaliev’s resignation was officially closed. On December 24, the Preparation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was entrusted with the presidential decree “On measures to improve the activities of the internal affairs bodies of the Russian Federation”, and the development of legislative changes regarding the optimization of the structure and composition of the internal affairs bodies and the liberation of the police from its functions that are not characteristic of it, to the government. The mountain gave birth to a mouse. Medvedev’s transfer of public security police to federal financing and a 20 percent reduction in the total number of employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs were transferred for lack of funds in the treasury on January 1, 2012. Meanwhile, for example, 75 billion rubles were easily found for irrevocable support for AvtoVAZ at the White House.

Did not fall, but squeezed out

Finally, on January 12, the head of state with a special decree made amendments to some previous presidential acts on the activities of the Ministry of the Interior. Clause 1 “B” of the new decree Russian in white says that from now on the candidate for the post of deputy minister - the head of the Investigative Committee at the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, the president appoints not the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, but the chairman of the government. This visibly contradicts Art. 32 of the Federal Constitutional Law “On the Government of the Russian Federation”, according to which the leadership and law enforcement agencies are carried out by the head of state. But he makes the key post of the head of the UPP at the Ministry of Internal Affairs inaccessible to the claims of Medvedev.
Against this background, the one who was permanent Nurgaliev entered a soft controversy with the president. On December 25, in an interview with Rossiy Gazeta, he stated that the reform of the Ministry of Internal Affairs would take two years and would not require resignations. On January 21, at a meeting of the Presidium of the Russian Association of Russian Lawyers, he even opposed the “indigenous abbreviations” in the police department. In response, Medvedev on January 24 made an unintelligible statement that the reform of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (which will begin only in 2012) will continue after 2012.
It became clear that the plan of the reform of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (as, indeed, other law enforcement agencies) will draw Putin - and only he. The Federation Council, political parties, the Association of Russian Lawyers and several expert groups vying over the Kremlin offer the Kremlin contradicting the projects of the “federalization” of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, or, conversely, the division of the department into the federal police, the municipal police and the national guard, or the creation of the United Investigative Committee on the basis of the IC at the Ministry of Internal Affairs. But all of them are not worth a damn egg, for Putin has not yet said his word. He, as always, keeps a pause ...