
At the end of 2010, President Dmitry Medvedev stated in the message to the Federal Assembly for the direct fusion of power with crime. The occasion was the events in the village of Kushchevskaya of the Krasnodar Territory. The same assessments to the Russian state, as it turned out, are also given by diplomats, whose cipher -telegrams were published by the WikiLeaks website, “Kleptocracy”, “Mafia state”, they stated. Why so-Throughout the past year, The New Times sorted out after the brutal murder on November 4 in the village of Kushchevskaya 12 people and the subsequent loud scandal with the dismissal of local officials, judges, miles and prosecutors when it turned out that the authorities knew about the lawlessness for almost ten years and covered it, suddenly everyone became obvious: all of the country-all of the country-all of the country. Some continuous kushchevs. The same in the Gus-Khrustalny, and in Engels of the Saratov, and in Berezovsk Sverdlovsk, and in the Kirza of the Novosibirsk region, and in many other large, medium and small cities. The fact of fetting power and crime was publicly recognized on the Constitution Day by even the chairman of the Constitutional Court, Valery Zorkin, who was never listed among the opponents of the current Kremlin and the White House.
Against this background, the revelations of the Spanish prosecutor Jose Grind Gonzales, who had been engaged in the Russian mafia and told about the results of his investigations to American diplomats, published by Wikileaks, do not seem exaggerated. His conviction is that Russia is a “virtual mafia state”, where the “differences between the activities of the government and criminal groups” are not visible, supported by the records of thousands of telephone conversations and other evidence, the American ambassador to Russia John Bayerly, who reported to the State Department in the next report that “criminal elements have“ roof ”, which penetrates all ranks, which penetrates all the ranks of all the ranks. The police, the FSB, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the General Prosecutor's Office, as well as the bureaucratic structures of the Moscow City Government, ”and the British diplomat Michael Davenport, and a number of other Western politicians and businessmen, whose assessments of the Russian government laid out Julian Assange on his site.
But domestic government officials of the highest rank and the leaders of law enforcement agencies categorically do not accept any large -scale conclusions and make every effort so that the consequences of the pile, which has already become a name for a household name, do not go beyond the dismissal of the switchmen. Moreover, they fiercely resist any attempts to hold officials, investigators and judges, slightly closer to the imperious Olympus than the head of the Department of Internal Affairs of the Kushchevsky district Viktor Burnosov or the head of the ATS Gus-Khrustalny, Nikolai Garkin. This is especially clearly shown by the example of the defendants in the “List of Senator Cardin”, which included the faces involved in death - but who did not answer for this - the lawyer of Hermitage Capital Sergey Magnitsky in the Sailor Silence in November 2009.
The quiet commission commission for the investigation of the circumstances of the death of Sergei Magnitsky was created under the Presidential Council for Human Rights in the summer. It was headed by the head of the Moscow Helsinki group Lyudmila Alekseev. As part of the investigation of the Magnitsky case, the commission was about to interview the investigator of the IC of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Oleg Silchenko, his chief of the Investigative Committee of Colonel Natalya Vinogradov and the head of the IC, Lieutenant General Alexei Anichina
* * General Anichin is the head of the Investigative Committee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in which investigators in the Magnitsky case serve .. by the way, they appear in the “Cardin list”. There are deputy prosecutor general Viktor Grin, and the judge of the Tver court Elena Stashin, and the operational employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Lieutenant Colonel Artem Kuznetsov and Major Pavel Karpov, but the commission could not get explanations in 2010. Yes, and is unlikely to receive in 2011: in November, the majority from the list were awarded for excellent work by the icons “Best Investigator” and “Honorary employee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs” - this is the protege of Vladimir Putin General Anichin appreciated the degree of guilt of his subordinates. Moreover, Lieutenant Colonel of Kuznetsov, about the millionth dollar earnings of which a scandalous film posted on the network was shot, achieved at the end of November the initiation of a criminal case for slander against unknown authors of the film.
“They decided to create a commission after it became clear: the security forces simply ignore Medvedev’s instructions,” says the informed interlocutor of The New Times. - Medvedev seemed to take the investigation of Magnitsky’s death under his control, but he was sent to his unsubscription. The prosecutor’s office does not want to quarrel with Anichin, realizing that if you start a serious investigation, many in the Investigative Committee will have to lose their places. ” Yes, and in the Prosecutor General too.
“In the Soviet years, the investigation, the prosecutor’s office and the court were also formally independent of each other,” says human rights activist Sergei Kovalev. - But when it came to politically motivated affairs, they worked in a single spike. Having received an order, they worked as a whole, and high party authorities acted as the customer. ”
New customers today investigators carry out not only political, but also commercial orders. He oversees the work of the investigation and the entire Ministry of Internal Affairs - the FSB. Under her control, the courts. The Chekists come to the order, they send him to the development of their investigator, from him the case goes to the “right” judge. In the biography of Colonel Natalia Vinogradova - by the time she took up the business of Sergei Magnitsky - the case of the head of the Internyus Foundation Manana Aslamazyan, and the case of entrepreneur Alexei Kozlov, her husband, journalist Olga Romanova. Romanova openly said that the investigator extorted $ 1.5 million with her, and the lawyer Aslanmazyan Viktor Parshutkin said: “They didn’t even hide: in the IC of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Aslamazyan was“ leaked for implementation ”. The matter was absolutely political. There was no secret to anyone that his customers are tall people in the FSB. ” By the way, after the completion of the case, Vinogradov, on the proposal of the FSB, received the title of Colonel ahead of schedule.
Under the roof of “M” , the FSB management is played by the key role in this pyramid, which also oversees the work of the Ministry of Emergencies and the Ministry of Emergencies, in addition to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In February 2010, the leader replaced there - General Vladimir Kryuchkov left his office. The reason is the failures allowed by the management in working with the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which led to noisy scandals, starting with the massacre arranged by Major Denis Evsyukov, and ending with the resignation of the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Buryatia, Viktor Susyura, caught on smuggling.
Kryuchkov’s positions transferred to an honorary pension to the organizational and inspectorate department of the FSB seemed to be unshakable for a long time. At the disposal of The New Times there is an analytical note to the criminal case instituted against the head of the Office of the Organization for the sale of property of debtors of the Federal Bailiff Service Alexander Beletsky. From the document it follows that Beletsky caused damage to the state in the amount of $ 146 million, selling the arrested property. The Beletsky equipment for a steam-strut-turbine thermal power station, purchased for $ 150 million allocated from the funds of the city budget of St. Petersburg, was arrested. “Implemented after imposing an arrest and recovery - for $ 14 million,” the note says. - Of these, about $ 4 million were officially (carried out), Beletsky distributed the remaining money as follows: 3 million - FSB (Kryuchkov), 1 million - customs (naked), 3 million - the Ministry of Justice (Vinnichenko, Chaika), 1.5 million - RFFIF (KOROBOV), 1.5 million to him. " The case against Beletsky, as follows from the document, was closed after the intervention of Vladimir Kryuchkov. As the bailiff himself told the investigators goodbye to investigators, “he is connected with Kryuchkov by perennial relations, and since he consists in related relations with V. Ivanov. (married to sisters), he will never have problems in this country, since he knows how to share. ” Viktor Ivanov, the head of the State Directory Monk, and earlier, under President Putin, is the main personnel officer of the country, to the questions of journalists about his connections with General Kryuchkov usually cut off shortly: “No comments”. But neither the ability to share, nor kinship with the head of the State Drug Control did not save Kryuchkov. However, he left the department in good hands: Alexei Dorofeev was appointed to be replaced, removed at the time from the post of head of the FSB in Karelia after pogroms in Kondopoga.
The redistribution of the investigation with the emergence of a new curator in the FSB did not change the work of the IC of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, although recently, a fierce struggle between the clans for control of the market called “investigation” has recently been inside the department of General Anichin. At the head of one of them is the first deputy head of the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Major General Andrei Khorev, he is also considered a man of the head of the State Aircount, Viktor Ivanov. The second group is headed by Deputy Anichin Alexander Matveev (part of the “List of Senator Cardin”), who oversaw the investigation of the now closed criminal case against the head of “Russneft” Mikhail Gutseriev, who was recently allowed to return from forced emigration to Russia. In his team and Colonel Vinogradov. When Vinogradova had just begun a career in the IC of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, she was patronized by another deputy Anichin, Yuri Alekseev. His "Polyana" is the regional units of the UK, he oversees the work of the Main Investigative Department of Moscow.
President Medvedev tried to create another center of force in the Investigative Committee, appointing his classmate Tatyana Gerasimova as deputy Anichina, but so far, as they say in the UK, competitors manage to block her initiatives, and she has not acquired real influence.
The court to help the FSB -Part tandem could not work productively and earn without judicial support. And here we must talk not only about judge Elena Stashina, who lit up in addition to the case of Sergei Magnitsky in a number of political processes. “The judges are divided into those who are under the direct control of the FSB, or investigators of the UPP, or the IC of the Ministry of Internal Affairs,” say The New Times, “and those who, in obviously political processes, are primarily focused on the chairman of the Moscow City Court Olga Egorov, which, due to the status, does not depend on ordinary Chekists.”
“It is impossible to allow the warriors to become merchants,” Viktor Cherkesov, who was then headed by the FSKN, warned in October 2007. It was not possible to avoid this: the security forces built a giant corporation to make money. To make business more effective, they use their right to investigate, arrest and plant. Mikhail Khodorkovsky also said about this in his article, published in March 2010: “The first and most importantly that I understood already in the third month of my imprisonment: our“ external ”ideas about the police, the prosecutor's office, the court, the FSIN as certain independent structures are absolutely erroneous. /.../ System, in fact, a single enterprise, whose business is legalized violence. The company is very large, with a huge number of internal conflicts, clashes of interests. On this enterprise, decent people and scum work - it is not a matter of human material, but in the principles of the organization of the system. /.../ If you have become a raw material for this conveyor, then the output always turns out to be a conviction. ”
In the presidential environment, it seems, realized the need to deal with this gigantic Chekist-investigation corporation. But how to do this, in the Kremlin, apparently, they do not yet understand, since the maximum that he is trying to rely on is human rights activists. It will be necessary to solve the problem: the more this financial and power giant grows, the greater the danger he poses. And not only for ordinary citizens, but also for the country as a whole.