Back in 1996, the number of refugees in Russia, according to the UN, was 270 thousand, and internally displaced persons (read: repatriates) - 900 thousand people. But to date, 827 people (!) have been officially recognized as refugees in our country, and another 3,643 have temporary asylum. Only 48,000 internally displaced persons remained. The rest of the unsettled forced migrants of all kinds were simply recognized as having lost their status.
In the early 2000s, scholars and practitioners discussed the concept of migration policy. The problem was acute. But instead of the concept of migration policy in early 2003, the Government of the Russian Federation adopted the "Concept for the regulation of migration processes in the Russian Federation." Her inspiration was the current head of drug control, Viktor Ivanov. The repressive consciousness gave birth to the prevailing repressive approach to migration problems for years. It is not worth dwelling in the same detail on the program of voluntary resettlement of compatriots, which captured the minds and financial resources of the leaders of migration. (The program has failed: instead of hundreds of thousands of compatriots, a little over 16,000 people have come to Russia since 2006.)
Something else is important. Realistically assessing the demographic situation in Russia, we will inevitably return to the priority of attracting immigrants to Russia.
Today, in the migration discourse, labor migration definitely comes to the fore. Years of its severe restriction led to corruption, the slave labor system in Russia, and horrendous violations of human rights. There is no question of whether they will work or not. The question is, will they work legally or remain illegal?
It is beneficial for an unscrupulous employer to have disenfranchised workers who are ready to live in a kennel, to work for a tiny salary, which, on occasion, may not be paid at all. It is beneficial for an official who distributes quotas for permission to work if they are not enough. It is to the advantage of a police officer checking the documents of an employer or migrant that they are out of order. But for the majority of Russian citizens, a legal migrant is much more profitable.
A legal labor migrant is no longer so unconditionally out of competition in the labor market. He can defend his rights to decent earnings and living conditions, he needs to pay for medical insurance. In addition, he is less prone to delinquency. Although, admittedly, the usual offenses of labor migrants are connected precisely with the inability to obtain permission to legally work and become registered with migration.
Having grown a little, a labor migrant can bring his family to Russia, eventually become a full-fledged citizen of Russia and already in this capacity create values and replenish the population of our country.
All these processes are extremely difficult today. It became obvious that they needed to be simplified. This is one of the most important state tasks that must be solved while migrants are still coming to us and still speaking Russian. And if today we do not understand the value of migration, then the migration flows will completely turn to Europe.
In May 2010, the FMS of Russia began work on the draft Concept of the State Migration Policy of the Russian Federation. The project was submitted for discussion by the Government Commission on Migration Policy. Scientists were involved in the work on the concept.
On April 16, at a public meeting of the expert group "Labor Market, Vocational Education, Migration Policy", Director of the Federal Migration Service of Russia Konstantin Romodanovsky made a report.
Two points in the report caused a discussion among the participants of the discussion.
It was proposed to develop new mechanisms for assessing the need for foreign labor. Replacing them with quotas for work permits for migrants. It is safe to say that the abolition of work quotas will be a powerful anti-corruption measure and will allow migrants to get out of the humiliating situation in which they are now placed. If only the new mechanisms turned out to be mechanisms for evaluation, and not for restrictions and repressions. Visa-free workers should be able to work without any restrictions.
The second provision that caused discussion concerned those who came to Russia for a long time, and perhaps forever. For them, it is proposed to abolish the institution of temporary residence permits (TRP). This notorious intermediate stage between temporary stay and obtaining a residence permit. The holder of a TRP is similar to a serf: a foreign citizen temporarily residing in the Russian Federation is not entitled to change his place of residence within the territory of the constituent entity of the Russian Federation on whose territory he is allowed temporary residence, or to choose his place of residence outside the boundaries of the specified constituent entity of the Russian Federation. He is connected with the subject of the Russian Federation in which he received the temporary residence permit - he is obliged to live and work there. In addition, the number of TRPs issued is also subject to quotas, so it is impossible to accept your not the closest relative, no matter how he is connected with Russia, if the quotas in this subject of the Russian Federation have run out. This intermediate state removes the immigrant from obtaining citizenship of the Russian Federation and creates a lot of unnecessary inconvenience for him.
The new concept is under development and discussion. So far, it almost completely lacks provisions related to Russia's obligations in the field of asylum. Nothing is said about the need to legalize those who have been living in Russia for many years, about reducing the number of stateless persons. And it's time to talk about it: this year marks the 50th anniversary of the UN Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, adopted in August 1961. The Russian Law "On Citizenship" in many respects already implements the provisions of this convention, so joining it would show, first of all, the direction of development of Russian policy in this vein.