: Self -prophetic

Gennady Zyuganov, following the United Russia and Socialist -Revolutionaries, outlined a position on the presidential election. Zyuganov wants to run for himself. So far, only Zhirinovsky is silent. In fact, party leaders consistently make offers to the Kremlin and the White House with a proposal to acquire their “right” position.

The leader of the Russian communists Gennady Zyuganov will participate in the presidential election. “I, as the head of the party, head the party, and I have already nominated a number of organizations as a candidate from the Left, Popatriotic Front,” Zyuganov said on the air of the Posner program. The decision on the candidate from the party is made by the congress, Zyuganov explained, clarifying: "Under the current laws, I will run."

Zyuganov’s presidential ambitions, of course, are not an event. However, contextually, the statement is important. It actually summarizes the campaign to nominate candidates in the 2012 presidential election.

At the Saturday Congress of Fair Russia, the issue of candidacy for the presidency was also raised. Socialist -Revolutionary leader Sergei Mironov said that “Fair Russia” “will not support the candidate who will support United Russia, whoever it is, Dmitry Medvedev or Vladimir Putin, based on the fact that“ Fair Russia ”is in a tough opposition to United Russia. The Socialist Revolutionaries, however, did not name Mironov.

Almost all other parties also quite clearly spoke out the leader of Yabloko, Sergei Mitrokhin, recently stated that he was not going to run for president, and the “right -handed business” announced the support of Dmitry Medvedev even earlier.

Finally, last week, members of the power tandem consistently “did not exclude” their possible participation in the presidential election. From the ritual statements of the president and the prime minister, it followed that they would jointly decide which of them would go to the polls. United Russia reacted somewhat nervously to this. Individual representatives of the party began to reason that no matter how much modernization is, but if the “party leader” Vladimir Putin will go to the polls, they will support him. The prime minister even pulled the party members, de facto forbidding them to speak out on candidates for the presidential post.

So far, Vladimir Zhirinovsky is silent, but he will also have to speak out of the elections in the near future.

It turns out: someone from the tandem goes to the polls, someone from the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Zyuganov. Plus potential Zhirinovsky. Exotic, like the leader of the Bogdanov Demill, has not yet been announced, but it will probably appear closer to the elections.

Further - options are possible. The ultimate goal of nominating candidates for elections in Russian practice is by no means a victory or just a struggle for power. Of course, no Zyuganov can count on any worthy percentage. It is simply due to the fact that no one will arrange competitive elections and the victory of the candidate from the authorities (rather it will be Dmitry Medvedev) seems obvious outside of force majeure.

The extension of the candidate is the opening of a window of opportunities for trading symbolic capital.

Mironov says that the party will “put forward someone” and offers for bargaining his candidacy in exchange for passing to St. Petersburg ZAS, in which elections he promises to concentrate independently. Provided that he is likely to lose the chair of the head of the Federation Council, he practically requires the “golden parachute” and offers to stipulate further layouts.

Zyuganov and United Russia's maneuver is smaller, but here there are quite clear reasons for the statements. Zyuganov dug up his electoral political clearing, while again stipulating that the issue of the candidate is being decided at the party congress. Leaving the opportunity

The United Russia swearing Putin also seek to resolve their hardware issues - internal party competition on the eve of the elections has seriously increased.

The last two elected campaigns solved different problems and a set of candidates for them was different. With a universal request of opposition voters to the boycott of the elections in 2004, the leaders of the parties came from the position "I will not go, but I will send instead of myself." So presidential candidates became not only farm farmers from the Communist Party and exotic at that time Sergey Mironov, but also a very comical guard Zhirinovsky Malyshkin. In other words: party leaders traded a boycott. In 2008, the legitimacy (including the international) future President Medvedev needed not only competition with the statists, but with the statists with some symbolic capital. Then the system opposition sold participation in the elections.

Now the situation is more uncertain: it is not yet clear who will go to the candidate from the authorities, which increases the rates for trade, and makes it more risky. In the end, the resource “Candidates-competitors” can master both nonexistent “Patriots of Russia”, and the “right-handed business” experiencing non-teaching times. Therefore, plans for the presidential election are quite definitely voiced, when little with parliamentary is not clear.