Don't ask, but demand

Frightened by the sudden manifestation of political activity of the masses immediately after the dirty elections on December 4, the authorities entered into a kind of dialogue with the protesters. However, one must understand that (so far) the dialogue has been reduced to successful attempts by the authorities to deceive society.

1. Two permitted rallies on December 10 and 24 effectively extinguished popular anger for now. These are two victories for the authorities, there is no need to lie to yourself. Using compromising opposition leaders and opinion leaders, the authorities managed to turn both rallies into toothless open-air skits, where speakers competed in verbal exercises to gain the favor of the masses. Who was booed or applauded is not very important, but it is still worth noting that more radical speeches were greeted with great enthusiasm. The fact is that having caused indignant citizens, and they came in impressive numbers, they were not used for their intended purpose, as political soldiers, but turned into passive spectators. After admiring the authorities of society and appreciating their oratorical abilities, the citizens dispersed, to the great relief of authorities at all levels.
Will they come again in February? Not a fact. I'm not sure they will come in the same numbers. Why come to hear the third resolution?
Along with the bitterness of the defeat of society, I experience a certain moral satisfaction from the fact that I personally refrained from participating in this act of leaking popular protest.

2. President Medvedev took the initiative of political reforms, a kind of political restructuring. First of all, I declare that the initiatives of the outgoing president, who will be replaced by a new president in just over two months, are worthless on market day. Because the new president can either cancel or freeze these “political reforms.”
In particular, an inherently populist legislative proposal regarding the registration of political parties was voiced. Medvedev proposed dramatically reducing the minimum number of party members required for registration from 45,000 to 500. The difference in these figures makes one smile, exposing a populist gesture.
We all clap and applaud...
Does this mean that in our country there will be parties like uncut dogs?
Nope, no.

Let's be serious. As a party leader, I am interested in something else:
- Will the permitting procedure for registering parties today become a notification procedure?
- Will the Law on Political Parties be repealed in its entirety? It has 54 dense pages, it is an intricately woven network with such microscopic cells that even bacteria cannot penetrate through them.
- Who will decide the fate of party registration? Is the Ministry of Justice still the punitive authority?
- What good is it to me in reducing the minimum number of party members required for registration if the Ministry of Justice can fail to register the party by recognizing, for example, the signatures of one hundred out of five hundred of these members as invalid? Who will guarantee me the new honesty of the Ministry of Justice? Will a law be passed obliging officials of the Ministry of Justice to be objective and honest, and will they implement such a law?
- The “Other Russia” party was denied registration in January 2011, not because of a lack of the required number of party members, but because of the alleged alleged inconsistency of the party’s Charter with the Constitution of the Russian Federation. It was a completely false document.

So Medvedev’s populist gesture is designed for suckers who don’t understand anything about the subject. This is deception. Wiring. The same layout as the permitted rallies on Bolotnaya Square and Sakharov Avenue.

3. For me and my supporters, the test of the regime for lice will be in the coming days the verdict of our activist Taisiya Osipova. The prosecutor asked her to be sentenced to a fabulous 12 years and 8 months, the mother of a six-year-old daughter, she has been in prison for a year. On December 27, a debate between the parties will take place in Smolensk and the final word of the defendant will be heard. Then there will be a verdict. And it will reflect the actual degree of cannibalism of the authorities.

On the same day, December 27, a meeting of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation will take place on the CEC’s refusal to register E.V. Savenko, that’s me, as a presidential candidate for the elections on March 4, 2012. The fact is that on December 11 (i.e. the morning after the vaunted Bolotnaya Street) armed people did not allow me to hold a meeting of the initiative group for nominating me as a presidential candidate. The police surrounded building 3 - at the Izmailovo hotel. We still registered citizens on the regular bus. But the notary was unable to certify the citizens’ signatures, since the registration and meeting were forced to take place not in a building cordoned off by the police, but nearby. Three members of the Central Election Commission, who were there on the spot, near building 3 B, did not interfere in any way with what was happening. There is politically motivated violence to prevent me from becoming a candidate. Just think - armed people surrounded the building! Like in Chile under Pinochet.
So we will see on December 27 in the building of the Supreme Court, we will find out the extent and quality of the political reforms taking place in our police state.

And then, they are preparing Putin for the throne for us, have you forgotten?
The road to Hell of the approaching increasingly sinister Putin is paved with the populist statements of the outgoing Medvedev.
Medvedev's declaration of supposedly good intentions, a statement of political reforms, aims only to retain power in the difficult months of December, January and February until the presidential elections. Maintain power through deception. This was precisely the purpose of the permits for the rallies on December 10 and 24. Draining the protest, releasing it on the brakes, letting off steam, whatever you call it, these were maneuvers to prevent the fall of the regime. Only the blind do not see the obvious.

The lessons of victorious popular unrest in the modern world teach us not compromise, not concessions to power, but decisive opposition to it. One must not ask, but demand. You must not go where you are being driven, but bravely, proudly, persistently demand. Demand from where you stood, where you chose to stand, where it is convenient for you to stand. Demand at the very doors of power: at the Central Election Commission, at the State Duma building, at the Kremlin, at the doors of Administration buildings throughout Russia.

There are enough toothless resolutions, two have already been issued. “And Vaska listens and eats,” as Grandfather Krylov, our great national fabulist, used to say.

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