
It is difficult, being inside, to see the real picture, without giving out to be the real one. However, it seems to me when it comes to a historical process, fraught with blood and violence of power or street, it is important to maintain a sober look. If I were a photographer, I would also love to shoot young smart faces, especially since there were a lot of them. But I'm not a photographer, I just stood and watched how and by whom the square was filled. It is not enough to say: there were one hundred thousand, a lot of people. And what kind of people, whom?
It was somehow waves. Behind the old Bolsheviks with a poster were rostamans with brushes, behind an elderly Moscow Jew - a very young Russian neo -fascist. Next to us stood a man in black (by the way, also with glasses), who all the time in an undertone repeated the same word. For example, from the rostrum they asked: "Who stole our voices?" - And he answered: "Jews." The rostrum was clearly waiting not for such an answer, but this guy was not a provocateur, he repeated the word not loudly, but quietly to his neighbor, so as not to offend anyone aloud.
Yuri Rost, who smoked a pipe nearby, said (I would not want to assign his exact comparison) that it was a watering water, where the animals, following a certain taboo, do not eat each other. But even if this is not a fairy tale, then they will eat each other further into the forest. The idyll of the rally should not deceive us: it can also indicate some sprouts of tolerance, but I would not overestimate them.
On the eve of Khodorkovsky readings, one of the sociologists said that the Square of Pestra, alive and is always interesting. Of course, this is much more interesting than the rotten parliament, but all this is much more complicated. So it should be with a real national representation: the people are very different. And a hundred years ago, the then sociologist said that Russians are not one people, but at least two, and besides the language, they have, in general, nothing in common. I don’t know how many people of an open society and people of a closed society came on Sunday to Bolotnaya, but we certainly, even scientifically know what the ratio of both in Russia as a whole.
When last week the annual “Khodorkovsky readings” were held for the eighth time, their more official but less well -known name: “Russian alternatives” suddenly gained relevance. There is an alternative in the air in the air, but not the fact that it can be realized. It is important not that in the square, although this is also very important. It is important what will be in the rest. From the joyful demonstrations of the 1989, commemorative senior participant of the current, from 1991 and Yeltsin near the White House, after a couple of years, in the rest was zero, if not a minus.
It is important to constantly comprehend and fix all this: the meaningful in any case will remain for the future, but only on condition (I will repeat) that we will not give out the desired for the real one. Young people will do this simply by their own device: we were like that too. And here there is no one to hope for, except for the intelligentsia of the old school, which is not enough: who died, who left, and who cooped himself in power, and his thoughts hopelessly got stuck in self -truth. But there are still people like Evgeny Grigoryevich Yasin, so they must be listened to.
In this sense, it is a pity that the "Khodorkovsky readings" went before, and not after the third rally, since they were not the same in composition. In the presentation of the participants in the “readings” trying to comprehend this, we are talking about the “thinking street”, which (if possible) can think completely differently. But despite the difference in the language, you can exchange thoughts, let's try.
2011 was marked by a number of events that forced the magazine of the Timetean of the year to name the collective “protester man”: “Arab Spring”, the European Union crisis (and not just the euro), the “capture Wallstreet” movement, rallies in Moscow. They were preceded by a global financial crisis. The general between the Arab countries (very different inside) and Russia that the crisis “clogged” the emigration of local educated people into more developed countries, where the number of jobs has declined. Forced to remain in the archaic of their fatherlands, the growing mass of such people entered into a dangerous conflict with her.
If we take the slogans articulated on Sakharov Avenue, then with “Wallstreet” and protests against the idea of euro (federalization in Europe) they are related by a more right and conservative than left and democratic character. But in the swamp idea of liberalism, the tribune moved more, and in the motley crowd, the usual “take and divide” the usual for the archaic (the communists and nationalists are one in this, only those who need to be “taken away” differ on the surface). These are two not just different, but in many respects opposing lines: if for one part of the area the requirement of the rules according to which the strongest must justly defeat, then for the second ideal it is equalization justice.
In the educated audience, which was the “Khodorkovsky readings”, calls for the “cleansing revolution”, with which Ilya Ponomarev, did not meet any understanding. The main joy of the old intellectuals is that they guess the appearance of a certain middle (“under-middle” class, according to one of the speakers) class, which finally demands the idea of rules and an independent court. Until now, with a lot of empty conversations about this, no one needs a court: neither the authorities nor business, which according to such general rules may lose.
These requirements cannot be ignored: personalized by a completely wild and mythologic way, they are fair in their motive, because it is precisely at the restoration of the right justice that they are directed. Probably, a way out of the most complicated historical situation could consist of a balanced social-democratic course in a German or Scandinavian model, in the alignment of which the liberal “rules” and socialist “justice” can be combined. Maybe this would even give the country some sort of respite for modernization and (I will not be afraid of this word) education. The trouble is that it is difficult to imagine something less compatible than modernization and the current social system in Russia than enlightenment and Putin, rules, justice and Putin.
Everyone who walked with the Bolotnaya along the Stone Bridge along the line, in which the stone riot police, the “astronauts” alternated with some recruits in the short fur coats from the warehouse, probably felt that everything could be completely different: only “FAS” say. And the provocation in such a motley crowd is not a problem. To exclude the transition of riot police to the side of the people, the authorities should not be done: to share these rallies, to separate one people from another. An attempt to paint the “botanists” and “gopniks” was already made by a rally on Poklonnaya Gora.
On the one hand, apparently, it is true that so far only Putin can keep the monster he generated even within some framework: a pack of sales that have been realized, understanding only the “loot” of the security forces. But Putin is not able to carry out any reforms: neither in a personal warehouse, nor according to his encounters. It seems that he can’t even leave so that he can stay.
In any case, sociologists say, the phenomenon of “Teflon Putin” was left behind, he can no longer act as before in the situation of real, and not imaginary “folk love”. As in general in love, the phenomenon is inexplicable, such relationships are not restored. This greatly changes the situation.
You can’t only run ahead of the process. Nine women do not give birth to anyone in a month. Where is such confidence that if in the Duma, instead of four false parties, eight real parties will suddenly take and give birth to some thought? It should take it out “thinking street”, otherwise it will not be relevant.
The “Khodorkovsky readings” also expressed naive old people's thoughts that the requirement of the current demonstrations was to restore self -esteem. Again, two different Russian people understand their own dignity very differently, but is it so naive? Someone noticed that an indicator of a real, large social shift, which only the birth of a new class can be a demand for moral values. Who, except for the Communist Party, remembered about them yesterday? And today the young people remembered, although they put it into some other, suitable (obscene) words