Translated material
: We measure rallies
New Pro -Putin rallies will be even more massive. The position is clear - more people better demonstrate popular love for Putin. In addition, there are more of them than protesters against Putin. If we distract from the number, then the quality of both “protest” and “support” is not at all in favor of the regular opposition or authorities.
The thesis that “fight not by number, but by skill”, for domestic political ones - and the military, which is already there - the practitioner has never been particularly relevant. The thesis is also irrelevant for the Putin “Popular Front”, whose headquarters obviously makes a mass rate in his agitation events.
The head of the Putin’s election “People’s Staff” said that after a lean rally on Poklonnaya Hill on February 4, citizens who were concerned about the fate of the country literally bombarded the staff to conduct another mass rally. This time on the occasion of the defender of the Fatherland on February 23. The staff of citizens, of course, could not refuse and now they are now preparing for new attendance records for pro -wings of mass demonstrations.
And the organizers, given the record number of those gathered on Poklonnaya Gora, will be submitted to the 200-thousand-thousand-high rally. God knows him (as well as the Moscow Central Internal Affairs Directorate and various disinterested observers), how many people really were at the “anti -Orange rally” at Poklonnaya on February 4, but all converge in the fact that there were no less than a few tens of thousands of thousands, but rather more than one hundred thousand. At such a scale - an application of 200 thousand is quite justified.
Moreover, the worship rally was organized in severe frost, when even command and administrative measures to collect people could not give the expected effect. And then people from nearby regions will be offered to slide in Moscow and refuseniks will probably be less. Yes, and the residents of Moscow and the Moscow Region will easily show their sincere or “from under the stick” respect to the current prime minister.
The position of the authors of the Putin campaign (like from the apparatus of the first deputy head of the presidential administration Vyacheslav Volodin) is understandable. Let the sincerity of Putin’s support with the protesters of skeptics causes quite understandable doubts, but a) the authorities like mass actions, b) look good on the television screen, c) can even have a certain election effect outside the television space, d) who is listening to these skeptics at all?
Since collecting in winter a large rally in support of the authorities without the tension of the administrative resource (the presence of which, by the way, did not deny Putini), they have to drive and bring people. And with administrative methods to collect 200 thousand or even half a million is a bureaucratic, not a substantial task. After all, indeed to prove the advantages of the current prime minister and his politics, no one needs to be seriously.
Undoubtedly, the number of supporters of the current government even in Moscow and the Moscow Region is much like the declared 200 thousand. And probably some, perhaps a significant part of them could well, without ordering, without ordering to go and support “stability against revolutions” or even quite sincerely oppose the “cloudy revolutionaries from Bolotnaya Square”. In the end, even if the rating of the current prime minister in the capital is extremely low and, say, (about horror!) 20-25 percent. Even with such an assessment minimum, 200 thousand volunteers could be collected for a rally of support, because there should be at least 10 percent of active supporters in the power.
However, the managers of the Putin campaign require guaranteed and pre -calculated mass.
In the Duma campaign of 2007, mass was easily simulated through a political strategistic fake called “Putin!” Movement ”. There even appeared obviously absurd "30 million signatures in support of Putin." The difference between this campaign is a really hooked prime minister rating and a mass protest against the authorities in the capital's squares. Here, support must already be imitated, having a real picture in hand, albeit mainly television, and not reflecting reality. “Poklonnaya support”, however, is still partly fake.
“To surpass the swamp in number” is the problem of simple, if there is a working and rebuilt bureaucratic apparatus, which can tighten the state employees and motivate directors of private companies.
Moreover: the dispute is meaningful "Where is it more - with us or in the Bolotnaya?" For the authorities, by definition, it is unprofitable. Since the “swamp” power is diligently (so far only within the framework of the campaign, but then we’ll look) pushes away from himself, receiving a qualitatively new and extremely unpleasant protester, but in return he receives nothing but a sense of his own satisfaction.
In fact, 30 thousand or 130 thousand becomes not such a big difference for the protesters or supporters of the authorities. These thousands in the square are already measured only by the word “a lot” or even “to a fig”.
However, the juggling of numbers warms the soul to both the unsystematic opposition and representatives of the supreme power.
As for the quality of “protest” and “support”, it’s difficult to say something definitely here. The “swamp” seems to be anti -bureaucratic by the main movement - for some equality and compliance with the norms of the law and decency by the “social group” “officials and united Russia” (or there are “crooks and thieves” - as you like). Not so much against “Vladimir Putin” as against “collective Putin”. “Support” is also ambiguous - it is unlikely that even sincere supporters of the authorities and the “strong Putin’s hand” with the Poklonnaya like the same bureaucrats.
The only question is how to use such a protest and such support in a political sense. The problem of full -time opposition is already repeatedly described - people go out on the square not for the sake of them, rather, contrary to them. The problem of the authorities is much more serious: educated and free people come out against it, and for it - different, but mainly forced and - the most unpleasant - politically and socially passive. It is difficult to rely on passive citizens in the sense of implementing certain projects that will require support, and in the sense of holding power, if something is really threatened with it. Millions went to May demonstrations with portraits of leaders up to the very collapse of the USSR and the fall of the power of the CPSU. Has this the CPSU helped?