Victory of the counter-revolution

The political struggle is not so much of a class as of a clan character - and it is escalating

Six thousand OMON fighters are brought to Moscow from the regions, the Ministry of Internal Affairs warns of provocations at rallies on March 5, and the FSO promises to protect the “UNESCO monument” - the Kremlin, almost to the last bullet.

If there are people in Russia who sincerely believe in the possibility of an early victory of any kind of revolution, then they all live on the territory of that very monument.

They are truly afraid. But who?

Limonov, who will leave his National Bolsheviks to storm the CEC? Or Navalny, who, let's say, will lead "hamsters" with white ribbons to the Kremlin?

Somehow it's inappropriate. Even if this threat, according to the internal feeling of the top elite, is real, it is easy to stop it with the help of the same riot police. And not in the format of "bloody Monday", but quickly, harshly and accurately. After all, there are not many people who are really ready for power actions now - one for two or three riot policemen.

They are not afraid of us. They are afraid of each other.

On this occasion, an informed person from the “decided” caste spoke very well: “Do you think that after the elections you will begin your thirty-seventh year? No, this is the beginning of our thirty-seventh year here!

Indeed, in order to launch large-scale repressions against their own people, power must be monolithic. The real thirty-seventh year was preceded by the thirty-fourth.

In our country, power was not at all monolithic until December last year. They've been eating each other for the last ten years. And when Bolotnaya happened, the elites completely fell into a stupor.

Because they are organically incapable of believing in the self-organization of citizens, like the medieval monks in the Copernican system, this is outside their cultural code. Yes, they believe in the State Department, but the most powerful and insidious external enemy needs accomplices inside the country, and moreover, inside the system.

Changers will definitely be looked for. First of all, among the security forces and in the inner circle. After all, it is there that the main money and administrative resources are concentrated.

Folders with compromising evidence are already growing. This one threw money into Romanova's purse. There is an orange tie hanging in the closet at that house. And this one withdrew the money offshore, instead of chipping in at Luzhniki.

Preventive measures are being taken. Many Class A officials have been informed that in the foreseeable future they will not be able to fly out of the country - responsible employees will be waiting at the airports. And the employees of federal ministries and departments, including their top officials, are required to participate in pro-government street actions after the elections, that is, to love the Motherland directly, covering its shrines physically, with their bodies.

So the main dimension of the political struggle will be not class, but clan.

Different groups in this struggle will have different tasks, the implementation of which is directly tied to the external background.

Moderates, those who just want to keep their positions and after several months of a nightmare, either simply return to a quiet behind-the-scenes life, or, out of sin, go into the cash and dump, the protest moods need to dissipate. They are lobbying for peaceful political solutions and are doing well so far.

But for those who want to hit the jackpot, and not just resist the clan war, on the contrary, it would be aggravated. After all, the more real the external threat, the more powers the fighters against it receive, the more successful compromising evidence is, the longer the “hit lists”, in the appendices to which there are positions, shoulder straps and assets.

The main risk is that these people may try to play their game. That is, without coordinating their actions with the very “top”, in the mode of a special operation, to promote any kind of provocations and even organize them independently, and then suppress them as harshly as possible, causing real indignation of ordinary people - and so on until complete Belarus.

We must be clear about these risks and keep ourselves strictly within the framework of peaceful civil protest. Because the victory of the counter-revolution on the wave of our political activity is the worst possible scenario.