What is instructive about the defeat of the “Moscow candidate” in the presidential elections in South Ossetia

Among the four candidates for the presidency of South Ossetia, one undoubtedly had every chance of winning. This is the Ambassador of South Ossetia to Russia Dmitry Medoev. A diplomat with twenty years of experience, a person who represented South Ossetia in Russia even when the republic could only dream of recognizing its independence. Everyone, even the most inexperienced people in politics, knew about this official’s connections in the Russian Foreign Ministry and on Old Square. And the candidate himself repeatedly hinted at this.

Medoev was considered as a candidate last fall, when the election marathon had just started in South Ossetia. They say that the current president, Eduard Kokoity, spoke out against his candidacy. Moscow, in turn, did not allow Kokoity to “put” Prosecutor General Taimuraz Khugaev in the elections, who is not only his right hand, but also a relative. In other words, Medoev was exchanged for Khugaev.

Then the Kremlin proposed the head of the Ministry of Emergency Situations of the republic, Anatoly Bibilov, as its candidate, who lost to opposition leader Alla Dzhioeva in November last year. The elections were declared invalid - a key role in this was played by the Supreme Court of the republic, which is headed by Kokoity’s left hand Atsamaz Bichenov. However, Moscow not only did not approve of the actions of the court, which took away the victory from the opposition, but also contributed in every possible way to discredit Dzhioeva. Dmitry Medoev also took part in the campaign, hinting in his speeches at the “orange” trace in the Tskhinvali riots.

And this favor to him, of course, was not forgotten. So Medoev became Moscow’s candidate in Sunday’s elections.

Medoev generally behaved competently during this campaign: he said only good things about Dzhioeva, proposed changing the political system, remembered the elections of heads of local government bodies (who are now being appointed), the return to the majoritarian-proportional system of parliamentary elections (now only proportional), free press (currently none).

And here a person unfamiliar with the South Ossetian reality needs to understand one thing: in this republic, programs, promises and political image are worth nothing.

There are a lot of other factors at work here, which only a person who has lived here for more than one month can understand.

For example, it is important for a voter to know who is behind a presidential candidate. This is discussed in kitchens, markets and bureaucratic offices. The choice depends not so much on the personality of the candidate, but on the personality of those who stand behind him.

Prime Minister Vadim Brovtsev, the acting president of South Ossetia, was clearly visible behind Medoev. Back in December 2011, when, after many days of opposition rallies, Kokoity was forced to resign from his post, Brovtsev, who temporarily took his place, turned into a very popular person. Everyone remembered his long-standing conflicts with Kokoity, everyone believed that Moscow, which sent Brovtsev as its governor, understood everything and wanted to get rid of the corrupt power of the former president and his entourage.

However, Brovtsev quickly disappointed. According to the compromise agreement that Dzhioeva signed with Kokoity and the implementation of which was guaranteed by Moscow, the Prosecutor General and the Chairman of the Supreme Court resigned along with the president. However, both officials remained in their posts. Dzhioeva complained to Brovtsev about this, but he ignored her appeals. This, of course, immediately became known to everyone. Only after Dzhioeva terminated the agreement and announced her inauguration did Brovtsev agree to accept it. But the meeting was late - Dzhioeva, offended by the authorities, did not refuse the inauguration. Then riot police were sent to her, and as a result of rather rude treatment, which is not accepted in the Caucasus towards women, the former presidential candidate found herself in intensive care. Dzhioeva spent a month and a half in the hospital, although it would be more accurate to say “sitting”: in complete isolation, under guard, without any charges being brought. When the Ombudsman of South Ossetia, David Sanakoev, asked Brovtsev to clarify the status of Dzhioeva, who was actually under arrest, Brovtsev waved it off. That is, he was quite happy with the fact that an elderly and unhealthy woman was under arrest without the slightest reason.

So the shadow of Brovtsev, looming behind candidate Medoev, did not bring any dividends to this candidate.

Another reason for Medoev’s defeat was his own campaign.

He conducted it very aggressively, accusing the favorite of the race, the former head of the KGB Leonid Tibilov, of all sins. These attacks were carried out live, during numerous interviews, on Internet resources supporting Medoev. Such methods do not work in South Ossetia. “Medoev’s campaign was influenced by the fact that he lived in Moscow for many years,” says political scientist Dina Alborova. - And he didn’t become one of his own. People want to see a local politician nearby, someone who has been with them all these difficult years. And Medoev is perceived as a man from Moscow: well dressed, speaks well, but is far from the people.”

Finally, Medoev is a “guest worker”.

In recent years, a trend has developed in South Ossetia when people from Russia are invited to some posts. Even the builders on the street are not local, but migrant workers, generally without rights and completely dependent on the subcontractor. The policy, which welcomes those who have come in large numbers and leaves local residents without work, has become one of the main factors of popular hatred of the authorities, Medoev himself admitted this during the campaign.

Ironically, he himself was also perceived in the republic as a “commoner.”

And the main argument that “Moscow is behind Medoev, and Moscow recognized us and now feeds us” did not work in this campaign. After the failure of restoration work in the republic, calls are increasingly heard for the construction of a national economy independent of anyone. And Moscow’s interference in the election process last year is commented on with the common sense of these people: “We are very grateful to Moscow, but we live here, which means we need to choose our own president.”

And if in the second round, in which former KGB head Leonid Tibilov and Ombudsman David Sanakoev entered and the outcome of which Moscow will certainly want to influence, the peculiarities of the national will are not taken into account, then Russia may get another source of tension in this republic.

Candidate "against the Kremlin"